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<teiheader type="text" date.created="1995/08/10" date.updated="1999/01/19" status="updated" creator="National Digital Library Program, Library of Congress">
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<title>A Survey of the Negro Population of Fort Wayne (Indiana).  From the National Urban League Papers.  By Charles S. Johnson, Director, Department of Research and Investigations, National Urban League:  a machine-readable transcription.</title>
<amcol><amcolname> The Coolidge Era and the Consumer Economy, 1921-1929; American Memory, Library of Congress.</amcolname>
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<resp>Selected and converted.</resp>
<name>American Memory, Library of Congress.</name>
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<p>Washington, DC, 1994.</p>
<p>Preceding element provides place and date of transcription only.</p>
<p>For more information about this text and this American Memory collection, refer to accompanying matter.</p>
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<sourcecol>National Urban League Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress.</sourcecol>
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<encodingdate>1995/08/10</encodingdate>
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<div type="idinfo">
<p>A SURVEY OF THE NEGRO POPULATION OF
<lb>
<hi rend="underscore">FORT WAYNE (INDIANA)</hi>
<lb>by
<lb>Charles S. Johnson, Director
<lb>Department of Research and Investigations,
<lb>National Urban League
<lb>1133 Broadway
<lb>New York City
<lb>1928</p></div></front>
<body>
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<div>
<head>HISTORICAL NOTE</head>
<p>The first important political question arising after the admission of Indiana to the Union in 1816 was that of slavery.  Its basis population had been recruited thru migrations from Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, and Kentucky, all slave states, and although the institution was actually prohibited by an ordinance, there had been a residue of Negro slaves in the state from the period of French control.  In 1800 there were 175, a number larger than that of Illinois.  From the beginning, Congress was importuned to suspend the prohibition, and failing here, it was asked to soften the maning of the prohibition by permitting a circumvention of the law in a new legal definition of &ldquo;servants&rdquo;.  As in Illinois, the sentiments in different parts of the state of groups of varying backgrounds developed into sectional differences between the northern and southern portions of the state.  The northern counties were National Republican (or Whig) while the southern countries were Democratic.  The Wayne Congressional district offered an occasional exception to this strict sectional alignment.  Migrants from Ohio, New York, and New England tended to settle in northern sections.  There were also Quakers in the early movements to the state who came in the exodus of 1806 from Pennsylvania and Carolina, settling largely 
<pageinfo>
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<printpgno>2</printpgno></pageinfo>in Richmond, in the southeastern section, a fact which may help to explain the erratic political trends in Wayne County, in which Richmond is located.  Here is located Earlham College, one of the most important of the Quaker educational institutions.  In various parts of the state they established depots of the &ldquo;underground railroad.&rdquo;</p>
<p>To the population were added immigrants to America, particularly Germans, and the stamp of their first establishment remains in the generous presence of Lutheran institutions, and numerous cultural institutions of German origin.  The state has had for many years, a large Roman Catholic population.  The Census of religious institutions in 1906 revealed that they ranked second with 17 percent of the communicate of that faith, a proportion next only to the Methodists who claimed 24 per cent.</p>
<p>The mixed population of the state was, doubtless, responsible for the uncertain emphasis on the question of the Negro and slavery which reached a crisis with the Civil War.  It furnished over 200,000 volunteers for the Union army on the first call, and was, at the same time, the principal seat of the Knights of the Golden Circle and sons of Liberty, a secret organization to oppose the Union cause and which was actually discovered in a plot, in 1964, to overthrow the state government.</p>
<p>In spite of the attempted restrictions on the Negro population, it more than doubled itself during each decade from 
<pageinfo>
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<printpgno>3</printpgno></pageinfo>1800 to 1840, and from 1820 when the territory became a state, this population grew with fair rapidity.  The proportion of Negroes in the total in 1810 was 2.6 percent.  In 1860 at the outbreak of the war the population was eight percent of the total.  The increase by decades, is given herewith:</p>
<illus entity="LMU04-01.I01" map="no">
<caption>
<p>Table No. 1</p>
<p>Negro Population, Slave and Free, for the State of Indiana&mdash;1790 - 1800</p></caption></illus>
<p>In 1850 the composition of the Negro population of the state indicated that there were many fugitives from other states.  Sixty percent of them had come to Indiana from other states.</p>
<p>In 1851 the new constitution was adopted which prohibited the entrance of Negroes and mulattoes into the state, and made it an indictable offense for anyone to encourage this migration and retained a provision from the old Constitution of 
<pageinfo>
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<printpgno>4</printpgno></pageinfo>1816 restricting suffrage to &ldquo;white male persons of the age of twenty-one and upwards&rdquo;.  The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Federal Constitution, when, by Supreme Court decision, the Indiana law was declared in violation and therefore null and void.</p>
<div>
<head>Fort Wayne</head>
<p>Beginning as a military and trading post,at the juncture of the St. Joseph and St. Mary&apos;s rivers to form the Maumee, the strategic importance of Fort Wayne has grown.  It is located in the northern section of the state, and among its early population were settlers from New Jersey, New York, and Ohio, as well as Georgia, Virginia and the Carolinas.  Names with a larger historic interest for the town show in their origin, this striking diversity.  William Rockhill came from Burlington, New Jersey, Judge James W. Borden was born near Beauford, South Carolina, Colonel Thomas W. Swinney came from Piketon, Ohio and James Holman was an appointee of President Monroe sent to the state (1823) to become the first Register of the Land Office.</p>
<p>According to the original plat of Fort Wayne, as of August 16, 1833, the town centered between Calhoun and Barr Streets, Water (now Superior) and Wayne.  Other important intervening streets were Columbia, Meine, Berry and Clinton.</p>
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<p>Original Plat of Ft. Wayne
<lb>August 16,1833</p></caption></illus>
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<p>Surrounded by undeveloped territory freshly wrested from Indian claims, fur trading was the first important means of subsistence.  After 1843, when the Wabash and Erie Canal was opened, there was a spirit of growth which was augmented by the coming of the railroads which finally made it an important point of the state.  The problems and dilemna of the state on the Negro and the slavery question were reflected in this city with, perhaps, more acuteness than most of the other cities.</p>
<p>Samuel Hoover, one of the early Quakers who migrated to Indiana recorded in 1829, an incident of what is probably the first &ldquo;Underground Railroad&rdquo; of that section.  On October 10th, 1829, before Fort Wayne town had been chartered as township, a curious procession of Negroes and whites passed thru en route to the Canadian border.  They were fugitive slaves from Kentucky moving under the escort of Quaker anti-slavery friends from Richmond.  When they reached Fort Wayne, they feared slave catchers and before entering, the Quakers conferred with city officials guaranteeing to pay them money if they were allowed to pass thru unmoleated.  The document, which is preserved by a descendant of Frederick Hoover, is written in Biblical language:
<lb>
<hi rend="blockindent">&ldquo;Now it came to pass that in the first year of the reign of John (John Quincy Adams), who was governor of the united provinces and territories, of North America, that the Ethiopians in the provinces of Kentucky were more vexed by reason of their taskmasters, and they lifted up their eyes towards the land of Indiana, which lieth toward the north country, over the great River Ohio, as thou goest toward the city of Brookville (in Franklin county, founded in 1807).  Now Indiana is land flowing with milk and honey, and they 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04008">008</controlpgno>
<printpgno>7</printpgno></pageinfo>said, therefore, let us flee thither, peradventure the people of the land will deal kindly with us and deliver us out of the hands of the oppressor.  So the people gat them away by stealth and fled into the land.  Howbeit they were sought by the negro-hunters. These sons of belial, caught Saby, wife of Isom, and fled, but certain man of the land pursued the men of belial and delivered Saby. But the children of Ethiopia said therefore one to another, wot ye not that if we tarry in this land we shall be spoiled of our posessions; let us, therefore, make ready and flee even unto the land of Canada.&rdquo;</hi></p>
<p>Arriving at the outskirts of Detroit, after passing through Defiance, Ohio, and Monreo, Michigan, the leaders &ldquo;spake unto them saying, &lsquo;Tomorrow, we must pass through city Detroit, over the great river into Canada.  Ye must, therefore, shave off your beards and purify yourselves with water; ye must also put on goodly raiment so that haply ye may find favor in the eyes of the men of the City and they may let you pass peaceably through the city into the land of Canada to inherit it.  The people rejoiced greatly because of their deliverance from their enemies and from the hands of those who sought to deliver them into bondage.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The vote in Allen County (in which Fort Wayne is located) for the Amendments of the State Constitution excluding Negroes from the state stood 1,803 in support of exclusion to 261 against it.  Four years after the passage of the Act the County Clerk by public notice summoned all Negroes and mulattoes who resided in Indiana, prior to November 1, 1851 to register, and announced that all who came into the state after that time were subject to a fine of not less than $10.00 nor more than $500.00</p>
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<p>The city, made ambitions by its location, to outstrip all others in the middle-west in commercial development, felt the need of a larger population.  Henry Rudisill, spokesman of the business men, communicated with German officials seeking new immigrants and in 1851 a great mass meeting was held which had for its purpose the petitioning of the State Legislature to adopt measures encouraging to this immigration.</p>
<p>Later, as the slavery question became insistent, the population found itself divided in support for Stephen A. Douglas and Abraham Lincoln.  The vote of Allen County in the presidential election was 3,224 for Douglas, 2552 for Lincoln, 42 for Breckenridge and 32 for Bell.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Negroes in Fort Wayne</head>
<p>Before 1920 the Negro population had been inconsiderable.  The early immigration attributed to the city, together with the constant pressure of the rural areas on the towns, operated successfully to keep the numbers small.  A few families were located there and found work in the hotels, personal and domestic service, and a few in the industrial plants.  Those who came were, for the most part, from nearby southern states, among which Kentucky figured conspicuously.  There was, however, a sufficient colony in the city in 1869 to establish a Church, the African Methodist Episcopal Church, and the first to be organized among Negroes in the city.  The building which they occupied was one formerly used by St. John&apos;s Reformed Church and the first pastor was Jason Bundy.  He was, in turn, 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04010">010</controlpgno>
<printpgno>9</printpgno></pageinfo>followed by M. Patterson, C. Russell, Daniel Burden, A. H. Knight, and G. O. Curtis.  Old Negro residents still living recall the period when every family was known intimately.</p>
<p>The numerical position of this population is shown in the following table which gives the distribution of four classes of the population over three decades:</p>
<illus entity="LMU04-03.I01" map="no">
<caption>
<p>Table I.&mdash;Color or race of Inhabitants:
<lb>1920, 1910, 1900</p></caption></illus>
<p>Beginning with a very small number, the increase between 1900 and 1910, for Negroes was 107.2 percent, for native whites 32.7 percent and for foreign born whites 6.3 percent.  In the following decade the Negro increase was 154 percent while the native white increase was 56 percent and the foreign born actually decreased 6 percent. 
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<printpgno>10</printpgno></pageinfo>The period covered in the last decade was one of important industrial change and unrest.  Greeks, Russians, Italians and Syrians had drifted into the city as its industries grew.  They did not come in such numbers, however, as they went to Gary, Indiana, or Flint, Michigan, where there are large basic industries but in sufficient numbers to accommodate the needs of the diversified industries of Fort Wayne.  A strike in one of the large railroad shops in 1917, during the feverish period of war preparation brought the first group migration of Negroes at a time when the immigrant supply was being diminished.  This migration was induced.  Negro men were brought to the city, quartered on the property of the railroad company and until these shops after the strike were moved away, some of their number continued to find employment there.  Families gradually found the migrants and there were occasional accessions to the labor supply, when friends of the Negro workers were drawn to the city by reports of opportunities for employment.  The inducements of the city have not been strong enough to draw many strong characters, or successfully to hold the young persons of the group.  This circumstance will be adverted to in subsequent discussions of the Negro community.  So small were the numbers before 1917 that there was little concern about them in public relations.  Such as were interested took part in local politics, visited the theatres, ate in the restaurants, moving freely and without interference.  The local unconcern operated at the same time to keep them in the traditional domestic and personal service, for the question of their 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04012">012</controlpgno>
<printpgno>11</printpgno></pageinfo>use in industry seldom came up.  In one notable instance, following the marked loyalty of Negro workers in the Bass Foundry, the management thereafter placed persistent confidence in a certain proportion of Negro workers.  There have been occasional gestures of friendship for the Negro population from old white residents.  The best remembered of these hold unfortunate implications for the type of leadership which found its way to the purses of white friends.  For the most part the Negro population has lived there quietly and except for occasional political activity, in which their votes were sought for which they were rewarded with three policemen, appointed at different times, and certain privileges of immunity for the Negro political chiefs who maintained themselves by operating pool rooms, there has been little group contact between the Negro population and the city.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Present Composition of the Negro Population</head>
<p>The 1920 Census in its Age classification provides the first significant differences in the structure of the Negro and white population.</p>
<p>(See Table #4 on following page)</p>
<p>The Fort Wayne white population is so little affected by immigration that it present a fairly normal age distribution.  The Negro age divisions show faithfully the irregularities of a migrant population which have such an important bearing upon community life.  The working age groups between 20 and 44 are abnormally swollen, while the number of children under 19 and of persons over 45 is constricted.  Of the white males 43.8 percent are between 20 and 44;</p>
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<caption>
<p>Table IV.&mdash;AGE DISTRIBUTION</p></caption></illus>
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<p>of the Negro males 53.7 percent.  Of white female 44.3 percent are between these age limits; of the Negro females 52.9 percent.  The ratio of Negro males to 100 females is 115.1.  The ratio is exceeded in East Chicago (159.4) Gary (129.6) South Bend (127.8) and Richmond (116.5) and exceeds Indianapolis (98.1) Terre Haute (100.6) Muncie (109.8) and all other towns of the state.  The proportions for Negroes for each age group below twenty years and after 45 years are smaller than the white.  This fact points clearly to the abnormal increases in the former thru migration.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Present Size of Negro Population</head>
<p>Since the 1920 Census was taken during the period of the general migration the changes that occurred afterwards are important to know.  This is especially desirable since the facts to be given in this report are best understood in the light of the Negro population in 1927.  The basis for an estimate is taken from the trends in Negro population increase by decades, and actual dates of arrival as given on questionnaires covering 30 percent of the population.  For the seven years 1920 - 1927, it appears that about 800 persons have been added to the population thru migration and approximately 150 by natural increase, placing the estimate for the Negro population during 1927 at 2400.</p>
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<illus entity="LMU04-05.I01" map="no">
<caption>
<p>Table V. - Showing
<lb>DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION BY COLOR, NATIVITY & WARD - FT. WAYNE 1910 - 1920</p></caption></illus></div></div>
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<div>
<head>Where Negroes Live in Fort Wayne</head>
<p>The areas of Negro residence are scattered more widely than in larger cities, or cities with Larger Negro population.  Negroes live in every ward in the city, altho, as is to be expected, there are some communities which are relatively more compact than others.  Seldom do the solidly Negro clusters extend contiguously for more than a block.  This study noted thirteen clusters of Negro population and these unevenly and unexpectedly distributed.  It is interesting to note that the population has been shifting about in its broad outlines, over the past twenty years.  In 1910, nearly half of the Negro population lived in Wards II and III and with the next largest number living in Ward I.  In 1920 only about 29 per cent lived in Wards II and III.  To indicate the direction of expansion during the period in question, the rate of increase in Ward II was 54 per cent; Ward III was 48 per cent; but in Ward I, it was 239 per cent; in Ward VIII it was 580 per cent; in Ward X it was 1654 per cent.  On the other hand, Ward V lost just 50 per cent of its Negroes and Ward IX remained about the same throughout the ten years.</p>
<p>The table showing distribution of the various population groups, by Wards is given:</p>
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<p>Certain other significant factors in the living areas of Negroes appear.  Their increase by Wards has been many times more rapid than for the whites; in the Wards in which they showed their greatest increase the foreign born population showed decline; where the native white population made its greatest increase (Wards VI and VIII) the Negro numbers also increased; where the Negro population declined (Ward V) the native white population increased 86 per cent, and every other group fell off.</p>
<p>Moreover, the &ldquo;Negro&rdquo; wards tend to have the smallest total populations, due principally to the fact that they are no longer considered the most desirable residence sites, and are being taken over by manufacturies and businesses.  In no ward does the Negro population exceed 4 per cent of the total population.  Ward I with the largest group has only 3.7 per cent Negroes.</p>
<p>This study attempted to locate the scattered clusters of Negro population throughout the city.  As nearly as could be determined they are, using broad boundaries, as follows:</p>
<div>
<head>AREA U</head>
<p>Lewis Avenue on the North to Hough Street on the South; Clinton Street on the West and Hanna on the East.</p></div>
<div>
<head>AREA II</head>
<p>Eliza Street on the North to the Wabash Railroad tracks on the South; Francis to Winter.</p></div>
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<div>
<head>AREA III</head>
<p>Wallace Street on the North to Creighton Street on the South: Hanna to Oliver Streets.</p></div>
<div>
<head>AREA IV</head>
<p>Wabash Railroad tracks on the North to Dawson Street on the South: Fairfield Avenue to Calhoun Streets.</p></div>
<div>
<head>AREA V</head>
<p>Erie Street to Washington:  Hanna to Division.</p></div>
<div>
<head>AREA VI</head>
<p>Liberty to Washington:  Canal to Hanover.</p></div>
<div>
<head>AREA VII</head>
<p>Alliger to the Wabash Avenue tracks:  Anthony to Grant.</p></div>
<div>
<head>AREA VIII</head>
<p>Maumee to Pittsburg:  Duboise to Summer.</p></div>
<div>
<head>AREA IX</head>
<p>Anternick to Tam:  Winter to Anthony Boulevard.</p></div>
<div>
<head>AREA X</head>
<p>Helen to Agnes:  Lafayette to Warsaw.</p></div>
<div>
<head>AREA XI</head>
<p>Superior to Main:  Harrison to Clinton.</p></div>
<p>A community ranking in size with the largest of the central clusters is the settlement at the edge of the city limits called Westfield and popularly referred 
<pageinfo>
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<printpgno>16</printpgno></pageinfo>to as Rolling Mills because of the presence there of a large plant.</p>
<p>The largest of these two areas extends from Heartherbell Street to the Hill and from Morris Street to McKinley Avenue.</p>
<p>A second cluster has the mill as its northern extremity and extends southward to Miller street; and from Freeman to Bright Street.</p>
<p>In each community into which Negroes have the path has been laid for them.  Successive levels of white residents moved away as the property declined, until Negroes became more desirable than the next class of whites eligibles.  However, many of the earlier white residents for sentimental and other reasons, held to their homes and remained in them after Negroes moved in around them.  So it is that but few of the blocks are wholly Negro.  The white neighbors are greatly mixed in character.  They are the early residents who wish to remain in their homesteads, with them an unprosperous class of native whites, Jewish families, principally merchants, and scattered families of Italians, Greeks, Syrians, and Roumanians.</p>
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<div>
<head>The Physical Aspect of Negro Neighborhoods</head>
<p>It most often happens that Negroes live in greatest concentration near the center of town.  This was mentioned before as being due to the eventual availability of the abandoned homes of earlier residents, for their use.  It becomes difficult, after such a period between the erection of a dwelling and the final occupancy by Negroes, to separate the racial, physical and economic elements in the deterioration thereafter.</p>
<p>The coming in of Negroes, or the expansion of Negro areas frequently is accompanied by flashes of conflict, This does not necessary mean combat, but the sentimental resistance of older residents to what is considered &ldquo;invasions&rdquo;.  The composition of the preceding population, usually affects the adjustments.  Immigrants and Jewish residents offer least resistance to Negroes seeking homes.  But the most common method of securing residence sites is one quite impersonal, resulting from the placing of properties and estates in the hands of agencies, charged with securing the best returns from them.  Since Negro tenants, as a rule, pay a somewhat higher rate of rental than immigrant ten- ants, the economic advantage tends in many cases to outweigh the racial element.</p>
<p>The limited availability of residence areas for Negroes places a premium upon those areas which they have.  The new residence developments are beginning to 
<pageinfo>
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<printpgno>18</printpgno></pageinfo>insert restrictive clauses in their deeds prohibiting owners from selling to Negroes, and indeed, in some of their developments the prohibition extends to all colored races and to South Europeans.</p>
<p>In considering the Negro residence area therefore, it becomes largely a matter of considering the older residence sections of the city.  The present study made notations of the physical aspect of the principal blocks occupied by Negroes in each of the areas listed.  A picture is provided that may, with the exception of a few notable instances of homes built by individuals our from the centers of Negro population, be taken as fairly representative of what is to be found generally.</p>
<p>In Area I - Lewis to Hough; Clinton to Hanna, there is considerable mixture of population elements, as well as types and conditions of buildings.  In thirteen blocks of this area were found 72 Negro families, representing about 300 Negroes and 51 white families.</p>
<p>The most common type of dwelling is the 2 story frame house.  Thirty-eight per cent of the buildings were of this type.  Most of these, however, are on a street in which Negroes own or are buying their homes and they are kept in good condition.</p>
<p>The story-and-a-half dwellings follow these in number, and are both old and poorly kept.  Five of this type are in one street, in which 14 Negro families 
<pageinfo>
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<printpgno>19</printpgno></pageinfo>and no white families live.  They are conspicuously run down and in need of repair.  One block is a part of the area owned by the Pennsylvania Railroad, and the houses here of the story-and-a-half type, are also in poor condition.  There are small apartment houses of a very old model scattered thru the area.  These are usually found near property still held by white residents.  Two of the streets are used with slight effort at concealment as a red-light district.  Hough Street has long been notorious for its brothels.  Business places are distributed thru the area and Lafayette Street is the present principal Negro business thoroughfare.  Of the eleven blocks of this area, noted, the streets were in good condition in three of them, the others were unpaved, and most of these rutty, irregular and conspicuously untidy.  From Holman Street to Hough, for example, the draining system is not sufficient to carry off the water when it rains and the streets become impassable.  The pavements are neglected and the streets, which are gathering an indifferent collection of tin and scattered rubbish, plainly show the neglect both of the residents and the city.  Altho this appears to be of the most thickly settled Negro neighborhoods, actually only about 58 per cent of the population of the 13 densest Negro blocks are Negroes.  For many years only one Negro family lived on Montgomery Street.  It is rapidly increasing in this population now.  Wheatley 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04023">023</controlpgno>
<printpgno>20</printpgno></pageinfo>Center, the principal recreation point for Negroes in Fort Wayne, finally located here in the attempt to make itself available to the largest members.  The brick dwellings seem to be the oldest of the houses.</p>
<p>In some of the double houses, Negroes and whites live without apparent friction.  Jewish families occasionally occupy apartments in the same building with Negro tenants.  Holman Street has not been occupied by Negroes more than fourteen years.  It was formerly the home site of many prominent and wealthy Ft. Wayne residents including the Wagners, Travers and Koebers.  There is on Holman Street one white man, who, when Negroes first moved into the street, was bitter in his opposition and refused to move or to rent to them, but now lives in the house with a Negro family, as the only white person in the block. Another old brick building owned by an irreconcilable old lady has stood vacant since the last white families moved out three years ago, in spite of the Negro demand for the dwelling.  She has refused to repair it since.  Italians have purchased many buildings in the Negro neighborhood, principally on Elisa and Montgomery Street.  One Mike Kosma, a Macedonian who began work in Ft. Wayne at Basa&rsquo; Foundry, now owns three large buildings there.</p>
<p>The newest area into which Negroes have moved is the 500 block on Montgomery Street.  A Negro family bought a house in the block in April 1927 and 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04024">024</controlpgno>
<printpgno>21</printpgno></pageinfo>between April and July three white families moved out and one of the houses was offered for sale.  A Negro family moved into a &ldquo;new&rdquo; block on Center Street.  The white families, however, did not move.</p>
<list type="ordered">
<item>
<p>Area 2 - Eliza to Wabash R. R.:  Francis to Winter, contains some of the best and some of the worst Negro homes.  Negro families here are even more widely scattered than in the first area.  The blocks from the east to west are long and extremes of conditions appear within the length of a block.  Four of these blocks in which Negroes live in largest members were noted.  Forty Negro families, representing about 160 persons, lived in these four blocks, with 27 white families.  On Eliza Street, the two-story frame house predominated while on Hayden Street, running parallel, there were as many of the one as two-story type.  Eliza Street in paved and used as a thoroughfare.  There are many Negro owned homes, with well trimmed lawns and tidy general appearance.  Two buildings owned by Negroes (one a minister) appear to have been recently built.</p></item>
<item>
<p>Hayden Street, while paved and clean, is less a strictly residence block.  Barber shops, a grocery, two restaurants, the Mt. Zion Baptist Church and the Church of God and Saints in Christ, indicate the center it attempts to be for the scattered Negro population around.</p></item>
<item>
<p>Area 3 - Wallace to Creighton; Hanna to Oliver, is a changing neighborhood. 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04025">025</controlpgno>
<printpgno>22</printpgno></pageinfo>Ninety-eight Negro families living in ten blocks were noted in this survey.  The streets of five of these blocks are paved and clean, the others extremely rough and unimproved.  White families were in the majority in six of the blocks.  The flourishing business at present are the restaurants, groceries and pool rooms.  Two stores were vacant.  Pilgrim Baptist Church, a Negro institutions, is located in this area.  In these blocks were three apartment houses and some vacant dwellings.  It might be noted in passing that the blocks of this area in which white families were living in largest numbers happened to be those with paved streets.</p></item>
<item>
<p>Areas 5 and 6 are in a section which has taken on a new exclusiveness.  The important Wayne Street runs directly thru it and a few Negro families live there.  On Wayne Street is the first Negro church established in the city.  At one time Negroes lived in this section in larger numbers than at present.  The streets are paved, well-kept, with occasional business places, drug stores and bakeries and property values high.</p></item>
<item>
<p>Area 7:  Allyn to the Wabash R. R.  Negro families may be found in Fletcher Street.  Their numbers are so small, however, as to be scarcely noticed The section is well-kept and clean.</p></item>
<item>
<p>Area 8:  Maumee to Pittsburgh:  Putgane to Summer, in the streets visited, is a section of deteriorated cheap dwellings.  The street was unpaved and dirty 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04026">026</controlpgno>
<printpgno>23</printpgno></pageinfo>and the entire aspect one of neglect.</p></item>
<item>
<p>Area 9 - Internick to Tam; Winter to Amboy, is in the neighborhood of the railroad and a large lumberyard.  The street is paved for business purposes but small attention is given to residence values there.</p></item>
<item>
<p>Area 10 - Helen to Agnes; Lafayette to Warsaw, breaks off suddenly from what appears to be a restricted residence section into properties secured some time ago by Negroes and held as they attempted to improve it.  Some of the dwellings were erected by the owners who were by no means carpenters and there is located on one street the exceptionally well built home of a Negro.  About 15 Negro families live in this cluster with one white family.  The property has possibilities of great value and desirability.  An effort was made once to force the Negroes to move on the excuse that a market was to be placed there.  However, actually to have placed the market would have been less desirable than the presence of the Negroes.</p></item></list>
<p>The area in West Fort Wayne referred to as Rolling Mills, holds an aggregation of dwellings erected at low by the plant to keep its workers nearby, and by persons who were merely arranging temporary shelter for themselves.  Many Negroes have moved there both for the work and for the opportunity to secure homes cheaply.  Fourteen blocks in this section were covered by this inquiry.  Here were found 50 Negro families, represent about 220 persons and 26 white 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04027">027</controlpgno>
<printpgno>24</printpgno></pageinfo>families.  Paving was under way on Culbertson Street, a paved pike passes by the plant and near the dwellings, but for the rest no attempt, apparently, was made to give the appearance of improvements.  Where there were streets at all, they were rough, unpaved, growing over with weeds.  On Strathmore Street, the yards and dwellings of the Negro and 4 white owners of property were well kept.  Shiloh Baptist Church is located on Morris Street.  The vacant lots give an air of the partial abandonment of this section.</p>
<p>Some detail was given that the housing picture might more accurately represent the different sections of the city.  Following is a table which presents a summary of the total results of the neighborhood observations.  (Table VI on following page).</p>
<p>It will be noted that this summary covers 50 blocks, 260 Negro families and 362 white families.  About 1,200 Negro persons are represented, a figure approximately one-half of the estimated present Negro population of Fort Wayne, and close to the actual 1920 Census figures for the Negro population.</p>
<p>The prevailing type of dwelling is the two-story frame house of which there were 327 recorded; second in frequency was the one-story frame dwelling of which there were 150.  There were 29 of the one and a half story frame dwellings, 11 one-story brick dwellings, 17 two-story brick, and 16 apartment houses.  Of the fifty blocks in which Negroes lived, 26 were paved and 24 unpaved.  Fifteen of these or 30 per cent were accounted as being in poor or very poor condition.</p>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04028">028</controlpgno>
<printpgno></printpgno></pageinfo>
<illus entity="LMU04-06.I01" map="no"></illus></div>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04029">029</controlpgno>
<printpgno>25</printpgno></pageinfo>
<div>
<head>THE NEGRO FAMILY</head>
<p>Whatever problems develop from the Negro population, the chances of understanding them are increased thru more intimate knowledge of the basic population unit&mdash; the family. In this study an attempt was made to note the structure, surroundings and interests of a group of these families. To insure a representative sampling these families were selected from each of the thirteen areas in proportions approximating that of ares to the total population. The largest number of families, for example, were taken from Area one and the smallest number from area five and six where only a few negroes live. Further, to guide this selection by some strict principle, it was made a rule to interview every third family in an area, in a much as the study could not in its limited period of field work, reach more than a third of the Negro population. The total number of persons included in the intensive survey was 613. They were divided as follows:</p>
<illus entity="LMU04-07.I01" map="no"></illus>
<p>A distinction was made between lodgers and relative lodgers to take account of difference in relations within the household between blood relatives of any sort who are a part of a family 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04030">030</controlpgno>
<printpgno>26</printpgno></pageinfo>sometimes contributing to the support, sometimes not, and lodgers who are merely taken in, frequently with danger to the privacy of family life, for the additional income that they bring to the family.  There is a suggestion in the character of the family group also to the interests of the family.  The normal family consists of mother, father and children.  The presence of a large number of lodgers suggests local conditions attractive to single persons, and sometimes housing difficulties making this rooming necessary.  In an industrial community large numbers of single men are expected.  In the Fort Wayne families 80 of the persons, or about thirteen per cent were lodgers.  This is slightly above normal for such a town, and this is rendered more significant by the fact that two-thirds of the lodgers were men.  The families visited indicated that the number of lodgers was much smaller than usual because work was low at the time of the study, and the men had drifted away.  One house with ten lodgers was noted but not included in the total figures on the principle of selecting every third Negro dwelling.  In Buffalo in 1924 the per cent of lodgers was 32 for families of newcomers and in Trenton it was 12 per cent in 1925.</p>
<div>
<head>SOURCE OF FAMILIES</head>
<p>Industrial communities are both most rapid in growth and irregular in their population distribution.  Opportunities for self-improvement draw persons from nearby states.  Communities that have little to offer outsiders tend to show larger proportions of persons born within the town and state.  The Negro migration from the South 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04031">031</controlpgno>
<printpgno>27</printpgno></pageinfo>deposited these migrants in many cities of the North where there were reasonable opportunities for work.  Fort Wayne received its share which was, however, not so great as cities like Gary and Akron where there are large basic industries.  Of the 613 persons in this group of families studied, 133 or about 22 per cent indicated specifically that they were born in the state of Indiana.  But there was a group of 105 in this 613 from whom the item of birth place was not obtained.  They were, for the most part lodgers and others who were away at work when the visits were made to the homes.  The following list gives the distribution according to birthplace by states: 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04032">032</controlpgno>
<printpgno>28</printpgno></pageinfo>
<illus entity="LMU04-08.I01" map="no">
<caption>
<p>TABLE NO.  SHOWING BIRTHPLACE OF
<lb>MEMBERS OF FAMILY GROUPS</p></caption></illus>The older migrants appear in the figures from Ohio and Kentucky, while the recent migrants are shown in the figures from Gerogia, Alabama and Tennessee.  If we exclude the indefinite group of 105 who did not specify birthplace, it appears that 45 per cent of the population came from the Southern states.  This per cent does not include the border states of Kentucky and Missouri.</p>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04033">033</controlpgno>
<printpgno>29</printpgno></pageinfo>
<p>The date of arrival of adult members of households was obtained in 363 cases.</p>
<illus entity="LMU04-09.I01" map="no">
<caption>
<p>YEAR OF ARRIVAL OF 363 FORT WAYNE NEGROES</p></caption></illus>
<p>Of the migrants twelve per cent came before 1913.  The new migration began in 1917, and, assuming the fluctuations to represent larger population trends, it would appear that the largest migration on years were 1917, 1922, 1918 and 1926.  There is reason to believe, however, that many who came in 1917 when work was plentiful, moved to other points or returned south when slack times, such as existed during the survey, came.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Background of the Migrants</head>
<p>Undoubtedly the motive back of the movement of the newcomers to Fort Wayne was economic.  These facts appear to apply to the different types of migrants.</p>
<list type="ordered">
<item>
<p>(1) Those who came from the south raised the level of their pay in varying degrees.  For the skilled workers there was frequently only a slight difference between what they earned in the south and in Fort 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04034">034</controlpgno>
<printpgno>30</printpgno></pageinfo>Wayne; for the laborer this difference at times amounted to as much as 100 per cent.</p></item>
<item>
<p>(2) There were many skilled Negroes among those who came, but less than twenty per cent were able to secure work in their own lines.  Where they did secure the work their increased income was great; where they were forced to accept skilled work, there was an increase over their old skilled jobs but a relatively small increase.</p></item>
<item>
<p>(3) The migrants from other than southern states received much higher wages in their former homes than the southerners, and it appears, received a similarly high rate on their first arrival in Fort Wayne, during an active industrial period.  However, except for the farmers from Ohio and Kentucky those who came from well paying positions in other states were, at the time of the survey receiving less than in their former home.</p></item></list>
<p>As an example of the different pay rates of the Texas migrants, a former packer in a flour mill received at home $12.00 weekly, a pipe fitter $25.00, an oil mill worker $9.00.  In Fort Wayne they received $25.00 weekly.  Of Alabama migrants, a former drayman received weekly $13.00, a painter $21.00, a laborer in a steel mill $12.00, a trucker $20.00.  In Fort Wayne these same men received weekly $25.00, $28.00, $12.00 and $23.00 respectively.</p>
<p>The following table indicates the difference between rates of pay in former home and in Fort Wayne and, roughly suggests the loss of skill in being forced to abandon old trades.</p>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04035">035</controlpgno>
<printpgno>31</printpgno></pageinfo>
<illus entity="LMU04-10.I01" map="no">
<caption>
<p>TABLE NO.  SHOWING WAGE DIFFERENCES</p></caption></illus>
<p>Wages for maids in the south were from $3.00 to $5.00 a week; in Fort Wayne it was possible to get from $18.00 to $21.00.  The farmers who came from Virginia, Alabama, Tennessee and Kentucky for the most part raised crops on shares, and could not estimate their earnings, except to say that they were almost continuously in debt.  In one instance a farmer estimated that he could net about $15. a month.</p>
<illus entity="LMU04-11.I02" map="no">
<caption>
<p>WHY THEY CAME</p></caption></illus></div></div>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04036">036</controlpgno>
<printpgno>32</printpgno></pageinfo>
<div>
<head>SENTIMENTS OF MIGRANTS REGARDING MIGRATION
<lb>AND THEIR FT. WAYNE SURROUNDINGS</head>
<div>
<head>Family No. 5</head>
<p>These people like the north and are trying to induce their friends in Georgia to come north.  They say it is difficult to get away from Georgia and that the white people do all they can to keep Negroes in the South.  They say they were treated very badly there, and Negro families worked to help other families get away.  When the white people discovered this they refused to let them have any more money than actual living expenses.  In Ft. Wayne they had to buy their home because it was impossible, with their large families to rent one.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 8</head>
<p>The wife complained that her husband &ldquo;did nothing but move.&rdquo;  He is a cook and they &ldquo;get tired of one place and move on from one town to another.&rdquo;  The girl had been in eleven schools in her nine years of school life.  The woman said she was born in St. Louis.  The girl looked at her and said both of them were &ldquo;born in Bem&rdquo;.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 11</head>
<p>&ldquo;They bought another piece of property in another part of town where no Negroes were and when it was discovered (going out to look it over) they became afraid and took the present place instead.  It will have to be repaired throughout before it will be a satisfactory place.&rdquo;</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 14</head>
<p>The father said that he came North to better his condition and to keep his children from having to undergo some of the things he suffered.  &ldquo;I&apos;m not satisfied with the future of the race here and want to go where my children may have more opportunities.&rdquo;  The house was kept in excellent condition.  He had put in new gutters during the summer.  A well kept hedge runs around the yard.  He owns his own truck.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 15</head>
<p>&ldquo;This home was well furnished and neatly kept.  The persons were very willing to answer questions and seemed very well content.  They came here to work for the Grace Construction Co.  This company was so long beginning work that the husband got another job and refuses to leave since it is an all year around work.  He says he has had several persons offer him work but thought it advisable to stay where he is.</p></div>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04037">037</controlpgno>
<printpgno>33</printpgno></pageinfo>
<div>
<head>Family No. 51</head>
<p>They would like to go south to educate their children.  &ldquo;where they would have a chance to develop along literary lines.&rdquo;  He likes colored teachers better than the white ones in Ft. Wayne.  He thinks they have more interest in colored children.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 55</head>
<p>The wife is very enthusiastic about the south.  She thinks there is comparatively as much &ldquo;Jim-crowism&rdquo; in the north as in the south.  The husband likes Ft. Wayne but the wife thinks there is no sociability among the colored people.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 60</head>
<p>&ldquo;All of us work but don&apos;t seem to get anywhere.&rdquo;</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 74</head>
<p>The husband looked to be 75 or 80 years old, but gave 55 as his age.  He came from Georgia in 1922 and has been ill and out of work for several months.  The house is very poorly furnished but clean.  The child is a niece of the wife.  Seems to be happy and clean all the time.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 75</head>
<p>The husband is a minister but has a small church and supplements his salary by working at a poultry house, dressing chickens.  The eldest son works at a hotel during vacation.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 103</head>
<p>The $60.00 income includes money from Real Estate holdings.  Father supports daughter and children.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 146</head>
<p>They came from Georgia in 1916.  The wife would like to move away from there when the boy is older, to some place where he would be &ldquo;encouraged to finish school&rdquo;.  She feels that there is no encouragement for a colored child to finish school here where there are no opportunities for them to use their education.&rdquo;</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 152</head>
<p>&ldquo;We want to move to the south to educate the child&rdquo;.  This family thinks Negro children have a better chance for education in the south.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 153</head>
<p>This family had some difficulties in finding a place to room with children and were not able to start housekeeping at once.</p></div>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04038">038</controlpgno>
<printpgno>34</printpgno></pageinfo>
<div>
<head>Family No. 162</head>
<p>The wife complains that there is too much for her strength and none of the children are large enough to help much.  Crop conditions in Virginia were not good and the husband came here to work thru the winter and decided to stay.  Their income is $25.00 a week which is too small for their family of six.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 164</head>
<p>The women of this home Would like to work but any they are not able to find anything to do.  Prefer the south for that reason.  Can always get work of all kinds there.  House neatly furnished and well kept.  Kitchen floor so rough that the linoleum on floor wearing thru.  Windows need stripping and the glasses puttying.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 171</head>
<p>They are not satisfied with the opportunities offered colored people here, and would rather live where there are places of amusement for colored people.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 40</head>
<p>This man has become discouraged with conditions in the north and plans to return to Louisiana if work does not open up.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 129</head>
<p>These people came north to educate their children.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 43</head>
<p>This family prefers the south.  Farming conditions are better there.  Outside his house there are flowers and grass in garden.</p></div>
<p>What follows, here, is a group of extracts from the descriptions of individual homes which provide more detail concerning physical conditions and concerning the habits and circumstances of the families.  For convenience these extracts are thrown roughly into three groups.</p>
<div>
<head>GROUP I</head>
<div>
<head>Family No. 10</head>
<p>Work for the head of the family has not been regular.  When one job failed he &ldquo;picked up something else&rdquo; The steps of the home are falling down, and the floors rough and splintery.  The house 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04039">039</controlpgno>
<printpgno>35</printpgno></pageinfo>needs repairing badly; the cistern needs cleaning out; they had put a clothes prop into it and drawn up &ldquo;something like worms on it&rdquo;.  They were putting on a roof.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 17</head>
<p>The house was very porrly furnished and very untidy.  Family seemed uninterested in the place.  Husband neglects family.  House needed papering; porch, steps and windows broken, the latter nailed up with boards.  Back yard grown up with weeds.  Children backward in school.  Boy injured in accident and kept out of school last year.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 69</head>
<p>The landlord promised to paper this spring, but continues to neglect this house which needs other repairs seriously.  Water freezes in the winter and they are forced to drain the box and trap in toilet to keep it from freezing.  Need front porch and paint.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 70</head>
<p>This family requires a larger house.  The children are not very healthy, one having been a patient in Irene Byron&apos;s Sanatarium.  Home well furnished and well kept.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 94</head>
<p>This property is in bad condition both inside and outside.  The streets show great neglect, with the tin cane and trash collecting, apparently over a long period.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 95</head>
<p>This home is extremely dilapidated and poorly kept.  The husband left to seek work in Flint. He is a college graduate.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 100</head>
<p>The woman was alone; her husband had deserted her.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 130</head>
<p>This family has suffered from lack of their principle means of supplementing a small income.  Their roomers. Work being scarce they had left town.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 148</head>
<p>This man is a graduate from Howard University.  He is living in a barn.</p></div>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04040">040</controlpgno>
<printpgno>36</printpgno></pageinfo>
<div>
<head>Family No. 149</head>
<p>This family has a neatly furnished home.  The husband was injured in an accident and confined to the house.  The house is greatly in need of repair.  Papering and painting needed, and also a front porch.  A large hole in the yard where they we opening up the sewer not yet filled.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 157</head>
<p>Five families occupy this residence; it is owned by Jews who also live here.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 160</head>
<p>There is a hole where the gutter goes into the cistern and the woman thinks some 
<omit reason="illegible"> may have fallen into the cistern; the water can&apos;t be used.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 1</head>
<p>The floors of this house were rough and unfinished.  The paper was good and clean.  The yard was in need of moving; house had no porch, steps were not good.  The woman is a widow for eleven years; said she found it easier to live in Evansville, (Indiana) than here.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 18</head>
<p>Woman a widow rearing her younger brother and sisters.  They keep boarders.  Glass in front door broken.  Good porch in front.</p></div></div>
<div>
<head>GROUP II</head>
<div>
<head>Family No. 20</head>
<p>The family owns the house.  Needs papering.  Vicely furnished and well kept.  Yard badly treated by the children.  Forty-five children in the block.  They would like to sell and move to some remote part of town.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 27</head>
<p>House very clean and in perfect order as far as the worn old structure would permit.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 28</head>
<p>This house was clean, but needed painting both inside and outside.  Family planning to build soon, so are not painting this year.</p></div>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04041">041</controlpgno>
<printpgno>37</printpgno></pageinfo>
<div>
<head>Family No. 32</head>
<p>The inside of house is in very bad condition, but occupant is expecting to build soon and the landlady says she will repair it later.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 33</head>
<p>The husband of this house is dead.  The widow has bought a lot and expects to build next spring.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 34</head>
<p>This family is not at all satisfied with present condition, and plans, if it can not get better conveniences, to move.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 52</head>
<p>The man is out of work now and has been for some time.  Salary much too small for expenses.  Children clean and house neatly furnished and clean.  Fence in back tumbling down.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 54</head>
<p>This home neatly furnished and well kept.  House has porch but floors need refinishing and house needs screens.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 66</head>
<p>These people are buying their home.  The man is not working but the roomers and boarders are helping to keep things along.  The house has a large font porch extending a part way around the side.  Not in need of paint.  Yard could be improved some.  There is a garage in the rear where the women were washing clothes.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 67</head>
<p>These people are ambitious but &ldquo;can&apos;t do much on the salary made.&rdquo;  The house is well furnished and clean thruout.  Kitchen needed papering.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 71</head>
<p>This is a neat house&mdash;well kept&mdash;comfortable front porch, which, however, should be painted.  Well furnished and clean thruout.  Son a graduate of high school last June, and expects to go college this fall.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 72</head>
<p>This man has been out of work frequently this past year.  The house is well furnished and well kept.  The children are alert and well trained.  The family ambitious and hopes to own a home.</p></div>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04042">042</controlpgno>
<printpgno>38</printpgno></pageinfo>
<div>
<head>Family No. 78</head>
<p>The man owns a home in the south.  The flood damaged his property seriously.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 81</head>
<p>A beautiful home and well furnished; the woman a good housekeeper.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 83</head>
<p>This home is neat and clean.  The white neighbors are kind to them.  The mother stays at home with the young children.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 81</head>
<p>Husband generally tired when he comes home at night.  His health is poor.  The woman is very neat.  Heretofore they have been members of a Wheatley Center Club but cannot now take any active part because they live too far away.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 140</head>
<p>This family is the only colored family in this block.  At first the neighbors protested but now visit them.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 143</head>
<p>This man has been sick for over two years.  Used to do trucking but had to give it up.  House neatly furnished and well kept.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 144</head>
<p>These people own their own home and keep it in good condition all the time.  Have just installed a bath-room.  House well furnished and neatly kept.  There is a trimmed hedge around the front yard, but much less attention was given to the rear.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 170</head>
<p>This house was built about five years ago and the people have it well furnished and clean thruout.  They are very ambitious and hope to own their own home there in the future.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 9</head>
<p>These people lived on a farm where they were supplied with milk, butter and food for their chickens but the salary was so small that they came here for work.  Like here and are buying their home.  The house needs a porch but is satisfactory.</p></div></div>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04043">043</controlpgno>
<printpgno>39</printpgno></pageinfo>
<div>
<head>GROUP III</head>
<div>
<head>Family No. 151</head>
<p>This family owns its home&mdash;a very neat and clean place, in a good neighborhood.  Girl of twenty wants employment in a large city after finishing her college course this year.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 165</head>
<p>The family has lived here for the past 20 years.  The man has worked for his present employer 18 years.  He owns lots in Nashville, Tenn., Idlewild, Mich., and Fox Lake.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 125</head>
<p>The head of the family owns two modern cottages at Salt Lake City and four lots in Jacksonville.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 48</head>
<p>This man is buying the house he lives in and the one next to him.  Both duplex types.  Rent used to keep up payments and other expenses.  Widowed another lives with him.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 21</head>
<p>The man drives a car, waits table and takes care of the yard where he works.  He is buying the home which was built last year.  The yard is well sodded and some foliage and flowers.  Beautifully furnished and well kept.  Wife does &ldquo;day&apos;s work&rdquo;.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Family No. 155</head>
<p>This property was purchased by Mr. ............, a Negro realtor when it was in a run-down condition.  It has been greatly improved since.  Mr. ............owns many such properties in Ft. Wayne.  Some of his holdings are in restricted districts, purchased before restriction.</p></div></div></div>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04044">044</controlpgno>
<printpgno>40</printpgno></pageinfo>
<div>
<head>PHYSICAL CONDITION OF DWELLINGS OCCUPIED BY 1939 NEGRO FAMILIES</head>
<p>The same diversity noted in Negro neighborhoods appears in the individual homes, and most frequently, as would be expected one is reflected in the other.  The effort in this part of the study was to measure these conditions objectively rather than by any such variable as the opinions of investigators, and definite items were selected as an index to physical condition.  These items were types of house, whether or not it had running water, toilets, bathtubs; the type of lighting, garbage disposal, and actual statements of despair or inadequacies in sanitary equipment for healthful surroundings.  Two methods were employed here to provide the most economical picture of this situation - there is a tabulation of one set of items, and there is a grading of the homes by a scale which gave specific values to such items as repair, conveniences and sanitary equipment.  This will be explained in more detail later.</p>
<p>Of the 139 families on which full information could be secured, 104 lived in the frame buildings referred to and described in another section of the report; 9 of them lived in brick dwellings, 5 in bungalows, 3 in apartments, 2 in duplex dwellings and one each in a flat, two-family apartment, stone dwelling, and improvised shelter, and in a barn.  Sixteen percent were without running water, 19 percent were without toilets, and 74 percent were without bathtubs.  The water question is rather difficult in Ft. Wayne, making necessary the use in homes of two kinds of water:  one, which is filtered through a somewhat awkward arrangement and piped into the homes, for drinking purposes, and another for bathing, cooking and cleaning, which is drawn from wells into the homes.  The latter is 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04045">045</controlpgno>
<printpgno>41</printpgno></pageinfo>the source of frequent discomforts, and in some of the homes the water of the wells was bad to the point of giving off a putrid odor.</p>
<p>In about 75 percent of the cases the city attended garbage disposal whenever it was put out.  In other instances it was burned, or simply thrown out, or as one of the families explained, and left for the chickens if they wanted it. As to the actual state of repair of the buildings this rule of measurement was adopted:  The items were first grouped according to type, under the board headings,
<lb>
<list type="ordered">
<item>
<p>(a) 
<hi rend="underscore">State of Repair,</hi> which measured the house in terms of soundness of structure, ceilings, windows, steps, roof, etc.</p></item>
<item>
<p>(b) 
<hi rend="underscore">Conveniences,</hi> such as gas, electricity, running water, toilets, heating arrangements, etc.</p></item>
<item>
<p>(c) 
<hi rend="underscore">Sanitation,</hi> which concerned those items conducive to healthful surroundings, such as plumbing, arrangement for sleeping and eating.</p></item></list></p>
<p>
<hi rend="underscore">State of Repair,</hi> for convenience in measuring and according to the items of the questionnaires, was given a value of 30:  Conveniences 40 and 
<hi rend="underscore">Sanitation</hi> 30. A building, thus, which was observed to be in excellent repair, to have gas or electricity or both, a toilet in the house, sound plumbing and a neat and clean general appearance, would have a full value of 100.
<lb>
<hi rend="blockindent">Note:  This scale is very largely arbitrary and has its
<lb>greatest value as an index to physical housing.  The
<lb>values given may be open to question on many
<lb>scores.  Under 
<hi rend="underscore">State of Repair,</hi> for example, there
<lb>was a wide miscellany of items which required the
<lb>judgment of the investigator in classifying them.  But
<lb>in general this scheme measures the gross
<lb>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04046">046</controlpgno>
<printpgno>42</printpgno></pageinfo>inadequacies in individual dwellings.</hi></p>
<p>(See scale on following page)</p>
<p>This makes possible certain general observation.  Of the 139 family schedules on which full information was obtained, 33 or about 24 percent were graded at
<add place="above text">90</add>and above, while 21 of the 33 were noted as being sound and complete, well kept homes.  On the other hand, 39 families or 25 percent were graded at 50 and below, and the remaining 48 percent between 50 and 90.</p>
<p>The distribution of the high and low grades is interesting.</p></div>
<div>
<head>HOME OWNERSHIP AND RENTALS PAID BY NEGRO FAMILIES</head>
<p>Fort Wayne boasts that no other city has a higher proportion of home owners.  In 1920, the percent of home owners was given as 51.  The Negroes are recent additions to the population and have not yet settled into the population; nor have they been as secure, economically, as other elements of the population.  However, of the 134 homes for which the information could be secured, 41 or 30 percent owned their homes, or were buying.</p>
<p>The general housing situation in Ft. Wayne at the time of the study was not critical except for real estate men.  The moving away of certain large industries had caused a loss of many persons to the population and hundreds of dwellings were standing vacant with no immediate prospect of being occupied.  For negroes, however, the situation was somewhat different.  Limited to certain districts they were affected principally by such vacancies as appeared within these limits and these were not many.  No Such fluctuations is rentals</p>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04047">047</controlpgno>
<printpgno></printpgno></pageinfo>
<illus entity="LMU04-12.I01" map="no">
<caption>
<p>GRADING-------------HOUSES</p></caption></illus>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04048">048</controlpgno>
<printpgno>43</printpgno></pageinfo>
<p>thus was to be observed for them.  The largest group of families paid $25 - $29.00 a month for rent, and the second largest $30.00 to $34.00 monthly.  Sixty percent of the families paid $25.00 a month and more for rent.  The five room dwelling was most common and showed greatest variation in amount of rental paid.  From $15.00 to $45.00 a month was paid for these five room dwellings.  The average rental per room per month was $5.93.  The average amount per room per month varied by amounts of rentals paid as follows:
<lb>
<illus entity="LMU04-13.I01" map="no"></illus></p>
<p>The $10.00 to $14.00 group paid a higher rental per month than any other group up to the $40.00 to $44.00 class.  The very largest dwellings commanded the highest rental per room.</p>
<p>(See table showing rentals with size of room on following page)</p>
<p>Sixty percent of the homes are of 5 rooms and more.  As many families require 7 rooms as require 4 rooms.  The seven-room dwellings show the following variations by rental class:
<lb>
<illus entity="LMU04-14.I02" map="no"></illus></p>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04049">049</controlpgno>
<printpgno>44</printpgno></pageinfo>
<p>The 4 room dwellings showed the following variation in rental per room per month:
<lb>
<illus entity="LMU04-15.I01" map="no"></illus></p>
<p>This difference may account in some degree for the willingness to take in lodgers.  There is a measurable advantage in taking a larger dwelling and using the income from lodgers to pay the rent.</p>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04050">050</controlpgno>
<printpgno></printpgno></pageinfo>
<illus entity="LMU04-16.I01" map="no">
<caption>
<p>RENTS WITH NUMBER OF ROOMS</p></caption></illus></div>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04051">051</controlpgno>
<printpgno>46</printpgno></pageinfo>
<div>
<head>FORT WAYNE INDUSTRIES</head>
<p>The census of 1920 indicates that there are 247 industrial establishments in Fort Wayne.  This was increase of 7.3 percent over a ten year period.  The local Chamber of Commerce bulletins mention 20 industries.  The city is given high place for its size, as a wholesale center, with 235 of these covering a &ldquo;radial territory of over 200 miles&rdquo;.  These advantages are mentioned of the place as an industrial center:  (a) broad level area, capable of perfect drainage, (b) ample water, sewer and gas connections (c) five important trunk lines with local division or terminal points, (d) five electric inter-urban lines, (e) seventeen bus lines, (f) seven automobile highways, (g) abundant labor supply, &ldquo;unhampered by unnecessary labor agitation&rdquo;.</p>
<p>Between 1909 and 1919 the number of Ft. Wayne earners increased 57.8 percent, the value of products 177.3 percent and the amount paid in wages 247 percent.  Compared with another city of the state, Indianapolis, the number of wage earners increased 57.1 percent, the value of products 215.3 percent and amount paid in wages 217.4 percent.</p>
<p>The industries are greatly diversified.  The directory of Product Manufacturers, large and small, cites 161 different products manufactured in the city.  These range from baby seats to insulated copper wire; from furniture polish to heavy motor trucks.  Many of the manufacturies, however, are for a local market,-as for example, the blue print, beverage, bricks, butter, bread, charcoal, sign and monument manufacturers.  The important industries are the machine shops and foundries, of which there are 13; the International Harvester 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04052">052</controlpgno>
<printpgno>47</printpgno></pageinfo>Company (manufacturers of motor trucks) the Dudlo Manufacturing Company (for insulated coils and wire) General Electric Company (for dynamos, generators meters, motors, transformers and vibrators) two brass foundries, the Wayne Tank Company, a Tank and Pump Filtration Equipment Company, four flour mills, an electrical household apparatus manufacturing concern, a piano manufacturing concern, one boat and one oil barge manufacturing company and a rolling mill.</p>
<p>With all its advantages, however, there have developed some unfortunate contingencies which have carried a number of important industries away.  Four years ago the Pennsylvania Railroad Company which furnished work for thousands of laborers moved its huge shops away.  The Bub-No-More Soap Company sold out; the Medical Protection Association, not strictly an industry, but an important concern with prestige, moved.  With this has gone abnormal depressions in certain other industries dependent upon special conditions.  The Dudlo plant, for example, one of the largest-wire-pulling plants in the world, made coils for Ford care.  The Ford plant, however, at the time of this study had not manufactured a car in two months.  The effects of these withdrawals was felt in many places.  It was estimated that there were 3,200 houses vacant.  The reasons given for the loss of the more important industries were frequently personal, but there were other complaints which point to general local conditions.  One of these was the difficulty of getting an adequate water pressure.  This situation has been involved in politics and one result of an effort to adjust it turned out rather badly.  There is a prejudice against using surface water and no satisfactory arrangements have been made for filtering and chlorinating the water used.</p>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04053">053</controlpgno>
<printpgno>48</printpgno></pageinfo>
<p>However, the International Harvester Company has recently moved to Ft. Wayne after a study of 28 possible cities and their reasons for adopting the city are used by the Chamber of Commerce as inducement to other industries, badly needed to settle there.</p>
<div>
<head>WHERE NEGROES WORK IN FORT WAYNE</head>
<p>Questionnaires were sent to each of the industries given in the list Product Manufacturers in Ft. Wayne in a preliminary effort to locate the establishments in which Negroes were employed.  Further, the places where Negroes worked, as indicated in their family schedules, were noted, as well as places revealed through interviews with Negro working men.  The industries thus found to employ Negro workers in any important number were visited and the officials of them interviewed.</p>
<p>The number of Negro workers revealed was small.  Scarcely more than six plants employed them in numbers of more than ten.  But it was evident that there were others scattered in many plants as single workers employed on many types of work, most of which, however, was unskilled.</p>
<p>Ten of the largest plants in Forth Wayne, with their total and Negro workers are given:</p>
<illus entity="LMU04-17.I01" map="no"></illus>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04054">054</controlpgno>
<printpgno>49</printpgno></pageinfo>
<p>In these ten industries Negroes constitute just 1.4 percent of the workers.  And since they are used most commonly for the unskilled work of large plants there is a strong possibility that the great majority of the industrial workers are included in this group.  Sixty other industries questioned on this point revealed 21 Negroes working as porters, janitors and occasionally in semi-skilled positions.  The full number of Negro workers reached through the plants was 227, or about 30 percent of the probably working males.  Apart from these interviewed, two concerns, the Grace and Brooke Construction Companies, used skilled and unskilled Negro Workers in large numbers, but irregularly.  They have employed as many as 200 on short seasonal jobs.  The work usually runs from wo to three months in the summer.  Other occupations of Ft. Wayne Negroes as given on their family schedules were domestic and personal service, cooks, porter, housemen, washmen in laundries, occasional street workers, garage workers and chauffeurs.</p>
<p>Places employing Negroes not included in the industrial sheets are as follows:  The Keenan, Wayne, and Centlivre Hotels, St. Charles Restaurant, the Western Gas Construction Co., The Inter-Urban R.R., Perfection Biscuit Company, Ft. Wayne Police Force, Post Office, the Fisher Baths, General Construction Co., Ft. Wayne Builders Supply, Western Newspaper Union, Temple Club, Schick&apos;s Garage, Coan Contractors, Brown&apos;s Trucking Company, Dodge Brothers Garage, and the Y.M.C.A.</p>
<p>Two department stores have Negro stock girls, two concerns have a Negro shipping clerk each, and one electrical supply company has a Negro battery expert.  There are two Negro plasterers in the town, and an assistant clerk capable of handling blue prints, but who is required to do some janitorial work to prevent objections from white employees.</p></div>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04055">055</controlpgno>
<printpgno>50</printpgno></pageinfo>
<div>
<head>Plants Employing Negroes</head>
<p>The largest single employer of Negroes in regular work is the Pennsylvania Railroad for the Ft. Wayne District with 65.  Before the shops moved away, several hundred were employed.  They make up 3.5 per cent of the total workers (about the proportion of Negroes to the total population of the city.)  The work of 2 of these men is regarded as skilled, 9 as semi-skilled and the rest unskilled.  The official interviewed stated the policy of the company:  There is no prejudice on the part of the company, but if the morale of a large number of whites threatens to be affected by the employment of a few Negroes, the Negroes will not be employed.  Mexicans are employed in skilled labor and while no important objections have ceom from white workers, the plant itself prefers the Negroes both to Mexican and foreign labor. </p>
<p>This company asserts that it pays a higher rate for unskilled work than any other plant in which Negroes work, and these rates are the same for white and Negro workers.  On the character of Negro workers, two departments of this company gave slightly different reports.  In the main division it was felt that Negro workers &ldquo;are just as reliable as whites&rdquo; and, it was added, that in some jobs such as that of train porter, they were more reliable.  The freight handling division, where 22 Negroes are employed, gave the opinion that they &ldquo;require more supervision and labor turnover is larger than among white employees.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The second largest employer of Negroes is the Rolling Mills where about 18 per cent of the workers are Negroes.  This plant is probably 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04056">056</controlpgno>
<printpgno>51</printpgno></pageinfo>responsible for the direct importation of more Negroes into Ft. Wayne than any other industry.  These workers were recruited from Arkansas, Kentucky, Alabama and Tennessee.  It thus happens that the labor is more representative of an unmixed type of migration than any other group.  They live in communities around the plant making few contacts with the other Negro communities.</p>
<p>The work of the Negroes is largely unskilled, for which they are paid $.37&half; an hour, and the manager contemplated lowering this scale.  The men, at the times of the study, could work only three or four days a week.  Competitors in the same type of work, in Terre Haute, the manager stated, were paying only $.27&half; an hour.</p>
<p>Compared with other workers, Negroes were found on unskilled work &ldquo;about like all unskilled workers, -very poor.&rdquo;  When day&apos;s work is shifted to piece work, the unskilled Negro labor proves more satisfactory.  Because of the general satisfaction with this labor, the company has encouraged Negroes to buy homes around the plant, and is selling them properties in Westfield.  There is no observed friction between the races.  This may be due to the limitation of Negroes, for the most part, to the unskilled jobs and their exclusion from most of the desirable jobs where their presence is especially objectionable.  The Amalgamated Unions which control parts of the work, do not accept Negroes into membership, and allow them to work on certain jobs on which their men work, as hookers and stockers, without membership rather than take them in.</p>
<p>The next largest number of Negroes are employed at the International Harvester Company.  This concern moved to Ft. Wayne in 1921 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04057">057</controlpgno>
<printpgno>52</printpgno></pageinfo>from Akron and began operations in 1923.  In the former place, many Negroes were used in skilled and semi-skilled jobs.  In Ft. Wayne they are used principally on unskilled work.  The highest position held is that of &ldquo;heater&rdquo; or assistant to the hammer man, a position classed as unskilled.  The officials interviewed stated that no discrimination was practiced in the plant: that in comparing Negroes with foreign workers the latter were preferred both to Negroes and native whites because the foreign worker &ldquo;will do what he is told.&rdquo;  The Negroes were regarded as &ldquo;slow, without pep, and lazy.&rdquo;  Six Negroes, it was stated, were taken from a department because they &ldquo;did not do the work&rdquo;.  Two were transferred to other departments and the others dismissed.  In this connection Negro workers reached in the home visits stated voluntarily that six Negroes were fired from a department of the company and eleven white men employed in their place.  The superintendent denied this, but admitted that there were &ldquo;good and bad Negroes as there are good and bad whites.&rdquo;  On the whole, he thought, a sifting will bring more satisfactory whites per hundred than Negroes.  The present Negro workers are &ldquo;very satisfactory&rdquo; but they represent 7 years sifting.  The present turnover of all workers in the plant is about 18 per cent.  Two years ago it was 286 percent.</p>
<p>Bass Foundry employs the next largest number, with about 55 per cent of the Negroes skilled and semi-skilled.  They have been employed in the plant over 25 years and the company has been conspicuously fair in its dealings with them.  The General Manager feels that they have proved as satisfactory as white labor, and no racial 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04058">058</controlpgno>
<printpgno>53</printpgno></pageinfo>difficulties have developed in the plant even though there are Negroes in the highest skilled positions workin along side white workers.</p>
<p>General Electric Company has a Negro information clerk and two janitors.  It has never used Negroes in large numbers.  They operate their own employment office, but few, if any Negroes ever apply.  Most of the labor is skilled and semi-skilled with every little common labor.  The jobs that are ordinarily sought by Negroes are filled by incapacitated whites who have held a more profitable and supposedly higher skilled jobs.  The superintendent states that the question of Negro labor does not exist for this plant.  The possibility of hiring Negroes in any large numbers is small.  Local whites are proving quite sufficient.  A large number of people come to the employment agency every day.</p>
<p>About 25 Germans are about the extent of foreign labor, - in fact, these are skilled and semi-skilled laborers and were brought in through relatives already in the plant.  In other General Electric plants there have been and are many Negroes employed.  Thus, it is not a general policy not to use Negroes.  The present workers have proved satisfactory.</p>
<p>The Interurban Transportation lines of the Indiana Service Corporation employs three Negroes in a total of 1,200.  The company was in the hands of the Receiver and the official interviewed was general manager for the Receivers.  He is vice-president of the Chamber of Commerce, and President of the Community Chest.  The fact that only few Negroes were employed, he explained,is the result of lack of policy rather than any specific attitude.  He related 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04059">059</controlpgno>
<printpgno>54</printpgno></pageinfo>an incident of interest here:  He had planned to put a young Negro athlete in charge of the recreation room.  The Negro was well known to him personally.  White employees got wind of it and one of the higher foreman suggested that there might be resentment on the part of white workers.  Due to the fact that the young Negro was not available at the time, and because of the foreman&apos;s statement, the matter was dropped.  He describes his attitude toward Negroes as one of indifference; he does not have to come into contact with the, therefore has no attitude one way or the other. His experience with Negroes, he states, leads him to believe that they are just as reliable as other workers, and he gave specific examples to illustrate his statement.</p>
<p>The Artis Construction Company which uses about 20 percent Negroes when busy, finds that &ldquo;they make good common labor.&rdquo;  The Nickel Plate Road of the N. Y. Central employs 5 satisfactorily.  They have been used ten years.  The Perfection Biscuit Company has had 5 Negro janitors about 25 years.</p>
<p>Negro janitors and porters were working in the following places:  Art Mosaic & Tile Company, Bond Engraving Company, National Mill Supply, Ft. Wayne Builders Supply Co., Heit Miller Lau Co., Candy Manufacturers, Kings Specialty Company, Pollak Brothers, Cotton Dress Manufacturers and the Superior Baking Company.  Their length of services ranged from 2 to 25 years, and in each case it was stated that their services were satisfactory.</p></div>
<div>
<head>SKILL</head>
<p>Of the 22g Negroes employed in the principal industries, 12, or 5.2 percent were skilled, 24 or 10.4 per cent were semi-skilled and 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04060">060</controlpgno>
<printpgno>55</printpgno></pageinfo>84.4 percent were unskilled.  The largest industries require skilled workers and Negroes are not commonly regarded or employed as skilled workers.  This does not always mean that they are incapable of doing skilled work.  The industrial history of many of them shows that in numbers of instances they had skill and used it before coming to Ft. Wayne.  There is, however, a large native white population at work in industry (one plant given its proportion as 98.9 per cent) and they resent Negro as well as foreign competition.  However, the Negro skilled workers include a car wheel inspector, cupulo tenders, molders, core makers, molders helpers, concrete layers, asphalt workers, and plasterers.</p></div>
<div>
<head>INTERVIEWS WITH NEGRO SKILLED WORKERS</head>
<p>Mr. Y.
<hsep>is a shipping clerk in a wholesale house where he has been working since 1919, at a salary of $30.00 a week.  He was born in Ft. Wayne, and is a graduate of the local high school and of Wilberforce University.  The owners of this concern are Jewish, and he found less difficulty on applying for the job in response to an &ldquo;ad&rdquo;, in being considered for it.  His relations with his employers are pleasant, although he does not believe that there is any promotion for him beyond his present job.  His duties require that he come in contact with the trade each day in sales and although he has waited upon many classes of people, he has heard, so far, no complaints.</p>
<p>Mr. W.
<hsep>has lived in Ft. Wayne for many years and for 14 years has been a stocker at the Rolling Mill. (A stocker keeps material on hand for the heaters.)  For this he receives $.37 an hour for a 5-day week.  Formerly he was a cook.  He thinks that the foreman over his section at the Rolling Mill is a Klansman.  &ldquo;He seems to want everything white.&rdquo;  The electrician, he says, boasts of being a Klansman.  The white men in the section frequently gather in bunches to discuss things which seem not to have any relation to the work.  &ldquo;Any chance the electrician gets to do Negroes dirty, he appreciates it very highly.&rdquo;  The work of the Mill is to make old scrap iron into new.  The Negro common laborers and helpers receive from $.37 to $.39 an hour.  The majority of the white men, he says, work on tonnage scale and average about $8.00 a day.  These white men are heaters and rollers.  Labor on 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04061">061</controlpgno>
<printpgno>56</printpgno></pageinfo>the yard gets 5 days a week of 9 hours.  The work of the Negroes consists largely in wheeling, running the shearers (that is, cutting up scrap iron) putting on packages, hauling off refuse, (that is, pushing buggies and wheelbarrows loaded with scrap iron.)  He feels that the Klan has done much to keep Negroes out of work.  For a long period they barred, whenever they could, Negroes, Jews and Irish.  At the Rolling Mills are two colored oilers, this man says, and everytime work is scarce, one of these Negroes is laid off and a white workers switched to his job.  Everytime the foreman can lay off a Negro, he does.</p>
<p>Mr. P.
<hsep>is a janitor in the force shop at the International Harvester Company.  He has been on this job for two months and gets $35 an hour for a 5&half; day week.  A company union was recently attempted in the plant.</p>
<p>In the forge shop they make all rough parts - axles, brick levers, hubbrackets, crank shafts.  Nine-tenths of the Negro men in the International Harvester plant do the work of cleaning and taking out scraps and waste.  In Akron, where Mr. P
<hsep>formerly worked, he ran a drill press for about 2 years.  Although they have drill presses at the 1. H. C. the employment manager said he could not consider employing Negroes for that job in Ft. Wayne.  In Akron there were Negro grinders in the forge shop, 5 Negro heaters, and helpers on the drop hammer.  They did practically all grades of work except that of machinists.</p>
<p>Mr. R
<hsep>is a car wheel inspector in the Bass Foundry, (inspects wheels after they are made; there is one other inspector under him.)  He has been employed in the plant 27 years, and as a wheel inspector for 18 years.  By trade he is a wheel roller.  The plant pays $.45 an hour for 10 hours, but the day&apos;s work can be completed in 4 or 5 hours. Mr. R
<hsep>thinks it would be better to pay them at the rate of $.60 an hour for the 4 or 5 hours of actual work.  The Negro core makers at Bass Foundry get $.45 an hour.  Ordinarily this is considered a white man&apos;s job.  There are 2 colored molders, 5 colored molder&apos;s helpers.  When work is slack, the Negro molders are put on the helpers&rsquo; job.  The helper can average $6.50 a day, the molder $8.50 a day when business is good.  In the best periods there are from 12 to 15 Negro molders.  They have slightly more white molders than Negroes.  The plant has been known to make stock they did not need immediately, just to keep the men in some kind of work.</p>
<p>Mr. C
<hsep>is a cupule tender at the Bass Foundry and has been on this job 19 years.  He was formerly a farmer in Kentucky, came to Ft. Wayne and went to work in this plant in three days, beginning as a laborer.  This is the highest skilled position in the plant.  Bass Foundry has been exceptionally liberal in giving work to Negroes and allowing them to be promoted to skilled trades.  Of 30 cupule tenders at present, there is one colored tender.  In this department, when the shop is running full force, there are about go.  At present, they are working only three or four days a week.</p>
<p>The foreman of this section is a German and a former solder in the plant.  The general manager is disposed to be fair towards the Negroes and such propaganda against Negro workers 
<omit reason="illegible"> has come to him has had little effect.  This job receives $.65 an hour for a ten hour day</p>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04062">062</controlpgno>
<printpgno>57</printpgno></pageinfo>
<p>Mr. B 
<hsep> works for the Brooks Construction Company as a concrete setter for which he receives $.45 an hour.  He has been with them for about three years.  The work is regular, however, for only three months in the summer.  In the winter they close down.  Their job is to put down streets and highways.  All the workers are Negroes except the man who runs the mixer.  At the height of the season, about 200 are employed.  At the time of the survey, the asphalt gang was not working.  Negroes work as concrete layers, asphalt workers, sewer layers, and concrete mixers.  There about 25 Negro concrete mixers.  All the curb setters are white.</p>
<p>Mr. B 
<hsep> is a blue print tracer.  He had written to the Dudlo Company from Michigan inquiring if they needed such a person and was told to report at the plant.  When they found that he was colored, the employment manager, surprised but polite, told him that they could not use a Negro.  They thought, however, that they might be able to use Negroes in a wire winding department if they could begin with an experienced gang of ten.</p>
<p>The difficulties frequently encountered by Negro workers are suggested in the instance of Mr. 
<hsep>, who worked in the East Car Shop of the Penn. R. R. in 1919.  They were rebuilding steel care and at that time earning $.87&half; an hour.  This man said, &ldquo;The foreman laid on us colored fellows always, but he didn&apos;t quarrel with the Pollacks working there.  These Pollacks did everything they could to show up the colored workers&rdquo;.  A Polish worker had the job of throwing hot rivets to the Negro and, so this man claims, was deliberately careless.  One of the rivets burned his hand off.  Remarking on this he said:  &ldquo;This Pollack pretended then that he couldn&apos;t talk English.</p>
<p>One job I had required heating about 20 sizes of rivets in the furnace and whenever the foreman came around these fellows would always try to call for rivets that they knew I didn&apos;t have.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Another Negro is a clerk skilled in handling blue prints.  However, the manager requires him to do some janitorial work to keep the peace with white employees.</p>
<p>One Negro, who was a boiler maker in the Pennsylvania R. R. shops, is now working on the streets in Ft. Wayne.  He was furloughed to Cressline, Ohio and the white workers objected to him.</p></div>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04063">063</controlpgno>
<printpgno>58</printpgno></pageinfo>
<div>
<head>WAGES</head>
<p>The pay for all classes of work varies.  For common labor the scale is from $.37&half; an hour to $.40; for semi-skilled work $.40 to $.45, and for skilled work $.45 to $.60 an hour.  The majority of Negro workers receive $.37&half; an hour.  Wages are the same for Negroes and whites for the same work, but Negroes are not often permitted to do work which brings a larger rate of pay.  For example, at one place, Negroes are paid a day rate and can earn from $3.75 to $4.00 a day, while the white workers are paid on a tonnage scale and can earn from $6.00 to $8.00.  The lowest general rate is paid at Rolling Mill, ($.37&half; to $.39) and the highest by the Pennsylvania Railroad ($.40 to $.43 an hours).  Most significant here, however, is the number of days the men may work.  At the Mills they work only 30 to 40 hours a week.  At the Pennsylvania shops there is a regular 48 hour week.  Bass Foundry runs only 3 or 4 days a week.</p>
<p>For specific skilled work, the following rates are paid:-
<lb>
<illus entity="LMU04-18.I01" map="no"></illus></p>
<p>Janitors and porters receive from $17.50 to $25.00 a week; chauffeurs from $20.00 to $25.00.  Negro oilers and general millwrights at the Mills average about $25.00 a week.</p>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04064">064</controlpgno>
<printpgno>59</printpgno></pageinfo>
<p>From the information on actual earnings drawn from individual interviews, the following wages are indicated:</p>
<illus entity="LMU04-19.I01" map="no"></illus>
<p>A study of income and standard of living of unskilled laborers in Chicago by Dr. Leila Houghteling showed that the chief wage earners received between $1,000 and $1,800 a year, for the Negro families over 50 percent earned less than $1,200.  The Ft. Wayne Negroes who were 80 percent unskilled, received the average weekly pay of $22.80</p>
<p>The yearly earnings of the negro unskilled workers, making allowance for the periods of enforced unemployment are from $912.00 to $1,185.00.  This is a figure considerably below the Chicago returns wither for whites or Negroes.</p></div>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04065">065</controlpgno>
<printpgno>60</printpgno></pageinfo>
<div>
<head>UNEMPLOYMENT</head>
<p>The unskilled workers are the first affected by slack periods, and 80 percent of the Negro workers are unskilled.  Actually the largest employers of Negroes are the contractors and their work runs only about 3 months during the summer.  The surfeit of white workers in Ft. Wayne, made more acute by the presence daily of Ohio farmers who come in their automobiles to work in Ft. Wayne plants, limit the chances of regular employment for Negro workers.  Unemployment was noted for varying periods in 40.7 percent of the families.  The number of weeks lost during the year ranged from one to twenty-eight.  The average number of weeks lost through unemployment was eleven.</p></div>
<div>
<head>GENERAL STATUS OF NEGRO WORKERS</head>
<p>It has been noted before that Ft. Wayne, while relatively an industrial center, has more diversified industries than most cities of its type.  This fact operates to reduce the number of plants hiring Negro labor.  Most of the managers interviewed seemed disinclined to consider them as a possibility in plants where there is predominantly machine operations.  The plants that hire few, if any, Negroes give this as the reason for not employing them.  Negroes are regarded as better suited for unskilled and foundry type of labor.  One plant manager stated that the introduction of Negroes into their shops would be resented by white workmen.  Although they have had no experience of their own to warrant the conjecture.</p>
<p>Again, there is such an abundance of cheap white labor, chiefly farmers, to be had, one or two managers of large industries indicated that they could easily replace Negroes with whites and within a very short time.  This situation operates unfavorably in the care of Negroes. 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04066">066</controlpgno>
<printpgno>61</printpgno></pageinfo>There is always a pull on the part of employees to get their relatives and friends jobs in the same plants in which they are working.  To give Negroes any considerable number of jobs over the requests of such white employees would lead to open resentment.  The possibility of Negroes competing, successfully, with this type of labor, seems at present, remove.</p></div>
<div>
<head>PLANTS NOT EMPLOYING NEGROES</head>
<p>Among these were some of the largest plants in the city.  In the reasons for not using Negro labor appeared conspicuously the assumption that Negroes were not adapted to any other than rough manual labor.  This judgment did not always require any former experience with Negro labor on the part of the plant official.  Other important objections were the fear of resentment of white workers, the abundance of white labor, fear of bringing Negroes into contact with white women workers, fear of public objection and various speculation regarding Negro traits.</p>
<p>At the Dudlo plant where 2,000 white workers are employed and no Negroes, there seemed to be three reasons for not employing them.  The belief of the superintendent that (a) the white workers would emphatically resent the intrusion of Negro workers (the plant does not want to face such a problem - especially since they deem it unnecessary); (b) although he confesses no experience bears him out, he believes Negroes are unsuited for the type of work they do in the plant, wire-making; (c) native white applicant are sufficiently numberous to preclude the necessity of &ldquo;falling back upon either Negroes or foreigners&rdquo;.  In fact, less than 1% of the present group are foreigners.</p>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04067">067</controlpgno>
<printpgno>62</printpgno></pageinfo>
<p>The S. F. Bowser Company with 1,259 white workers and no Negroes states that while it is not opposed to the employment of Negroes, they &ldquo;have always been able to secure sufficient white help to take care of all requirements.&rdquo;</p>
<p>A cold storage concern was prejudiced against Negroes because of &ldquo;general dishonest traits&rdquo;.  A biscuit manufacturer explained that &ldquo;the nature of his business does not permit&rdquo; using Negroes.  A machine shop &ldquo;has a small force of skilled laborers working in close harmony&rdquo; and does not &ldquo;deem the introduction of Negroes as practical or desirable.&rdquo;  A Commercial art concern regarded them as &ldquo;undesirable in this class of work.&rdquo;  A paper box manufacturer thought it would be necessary to operate a separate department if Negroes were employed.  The Ft. Wayne Tent and Awning Company thinks their work require too intimate contact with the public.  A stone cutter had tried Negro labor and did not like it.  They were careless around machinery, he thought.  The Gem Tool & Machine Works never has and never expects to use them.  Haffners Star Bakery &ldquo;prefers aegregation for the future security of white girls and families.&rdquo;  The Krudop Coal & Lumber Co.  Only discriminates in slack seasons.  The Kunckle Valve Company and the Wayne Belting Company have never employed them, but have no reason for not doing so.  The Moellering Supply Company has found that &ldquo;whites refuse to work with Negroes.&rdquo;  Their experience with them has been satisfactory so far as work goes.</p>
<p>The Boss Manufacturing Company (working men&apos;s shirts and mittens) established a branch for Negro girls and employed about 150 different girls during the life of the branch.  After 2 years it was discontinued 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04068">068</controlpgno>
<printpgno>63</printpgno></pageinfo>because these girls &ldquo;did not embrace the opoortunity.&rdquo;  Irregularity of work was the principal objection to the Negro girls.  He felt that he got only about 15 high class operators out of the experiment.  This company now employs no Negroes.</p>
<p>Other objections to Negro labor included specifically, the habit of drawing pay in advance, indifference and lax neighborhood conditions.</p>
<p>The experiences of the majority of the plants actually employing Negroes serve in a measure to correct some of the impressions of the group which objects to them.  Frequently, the faults of unskilled laborers generally fall to Negroes as a race because they are placed in greatest numbers in this grade of work.  One manager in commenting on the practice of his white employees of drawing pay in advance, offered a much more serious situation than was presented by any group of Negroes reached through the industries:</p>
<p>Out of 1,200 white employees, the manager states, 25% or more had been in the habit of drawing pay in advance; the matter became so flagrant that he was forced to step in and arrange some sort of loan association along the lines of the Morris plan.  The average advances over a period of six months was $146.00.  He attributed this situation to the fact that the men were over-living their means, (several in co-operation had cottages upon the lake, and many had cars above their means.)</p>
<p>The lack of incentive for Negro workers may within reason be held responsible for some of the difference where this was found.  In only one plant were Negroes freely permitted to advance on their demonstrated merit to positions above common labor.  The Superintendent of one large 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04069">069</controlpgno>
<printpgno>64</printpgno></pageinfo>plant with no skilled Negroes gave an interesting explanation of his attitude on this matter.  When asked about the chances for their promotion, he stated that Negroes seemingly wished to remain where they had become adjusted rather than change from the job to another.  They were like women he said.  In Akron where he had a number of women workers, some became so efficient that the plant decided to make them supervisors.  The women refused to change.  It was suggested by the investigator that probably Negroes came on the job with the attitude that advancement was not possible, but he maintained his original opinion.</p></div>
<div>
<head>LABOR UNION</head>
<p>Although there were several strong unions in the city, it is considered an open shop town.  At the General Electric Com any there are about 700 men in unions; in 1913 these were involved in a sympathetic strike.  In several instances non-union men have been forced off of the job by Union men - either because they were former strike-breakers with the Pennsylvania - or because they were non-union men.  None of these men made official complaint so the plant did not have to take cognizance of these acts.</p>
<p>Negro workers have figured in the labor situation from the time of the strike at Bass Foundry to the strike at the Pennsylvania shops when Negroes were brought in an used as strike-breakers.  Both strikers were broken.  In both instances there were some Negroes who walked out with the strikers.  The local union with the largest number of Negroes is the Hod Carriers&apos;.  They have five Negro members.  One Negro plasterer is a member of the Plasterers&rsquo; local.  They are not 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04070">070</controlpgno>
<printpgno>65</printpgno></pageinfo>allowed to join the Amalgamated group at the Rolling Mill.  At one time an attempt was made by Mr. Potts to organize a Federal Union and a meeting was held at Mt. Olivet Church.  The Negro workers, however, showed little interest.</p></div></div>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04071">071</controlpgno>
<printpgno>66</printpgno></pageinfo>
<div>
<head>HEALTH</head>
<p>In a population no larger than the number of Ft. Wayne Negroes in 1927, it is not expected that there would be many deaths.  The Census does not separate its white and Negro deaths for Ft. Wayne.  For the state of Indiana in 1920 for each thousand Negroes in the population there were eighteen deaths.  If we may assume that Ft. Wayne reflects the Negro situation for the state, (and there are some good grounds for the assumption) on a population in 1927 of 2300 they would be expected to show about 32 deaths.</p>
<p>As a matter of fact, in 1921 there were 34 deaths, in 1922 there were 16, in 1923 there were 29, in 1924 there were 22, in 1925 there were 24 and in 1926 there were 34.  To discover the number of Negro deaths it was necessary to examine every death certificate in the records of the Health Department of the years chosen, and note those indicated as &ldquo;Negro&rdquo;.</p>
<p>Because the numbers for each year are too small for satisfactory statistical handling, the full period 1921-1926 is grouped.  The classification used here is from the Standardized International List of Causes of Death.</p>
<p>Note:- The Census figures on mortality for the year 1925 was not taken because there is reason to believe that in calculating the death rate for 1925, not enough weight is given to the accessions to the Negro population thru migration from the south.</p>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04072">072</controlpgno>
<printpgno>67</printpgno></pageinfo>
<illus entity="LMU04-20.I01" map="no">
<caption>
<p>TABLE &mdash; ACTUAL CAUSES OF DEATH
<lb>1921&mdash;1926</p></caption></illus>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04073">073</controlpgno>
<printpgno>68</printpgno></pageinfo>
<illus entity="LMU04-21.I01" map="no"></illus>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04074">074</controlpgno>
<printpgno>69</printpgno></pageinfo>
<illus entity="LMU04-22.I01" map="no"></illus>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04075">075</controlpgno>
<printpgno>70</printpgno></pageinfo>
<p>Certain interesting facts develop:  Diseases of the circulatory system, and diseases of the respiratory system show the same number of deaths, and are at the same time the most serious.  The deaths from all forms of heart disease exceed the deaths from all forms of tuberculosis.  On the basis of a population of 2100 in 1926, the death rate was 16.2 per cent.  This is lower than the Negro rate for the state (22.1 in 1924) and higher than the white rate (11.1 in 1924).</p>
<p>The most fatal ages for Negroes were the period under five years, which amounted to 22.2 per cent of all Negro deaths as compared with 12.9 for the total population of the state (1924).  The active age group 25&mdash;29 for Negroes showed 6.2 per cent of the deaths; for the total population of the state the percentage was 2.8.</p>
<p>The bulk of the older age deaths fell into Group IV; Disease of the Circulatory System, and Group III:  Disease of the Nervous System, The children died from pneumonia principally, congenital debility and diarrhea and enteritis.</p>
<p>The records reveal that 45, or 29 per cent of the deaths were of persons from Fort Wayne and 43 per cent from Fort Wayne and other places in Indiana, 26 per cent from the South, in the following numeral order: Georgia and Tennessee with the same number; Alabama, Virginia, North Carolina; Mississippi, South Carolina and Arkansas; Texas and Oklahoma.  Sixteen per cent were from Kentucky alone and 7 per cent from Ohio.</p>
<div>
<head>Medical Attention</head>
<p>Altho there are two Negro physicians in the city, it appears that they are not in attendance on more than 25 per cent of the cases, unless of course, it can be assumed that their record of cures is so much higher 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04076">076</controlpgno>
<printpgno>71</printpgno></pageinfo>as not to indicate their contact in the name attached to the death certificates.  Thirty-one physicians were represented in this list and, excluding the Negro doctors, three of them were mentioned in 28 percent of the cases.</p></div>
<div>
<head>Hospitals</head>
<p>Of the seven important Ft. Wayne hospitals returns were secured from two:  Ft. Wayne Hospital Sanatarium and the St. Joseph Hospital.  The former had during 1926 only four Negro patients in a total of 400 or one per cent.  One Negro patient was in the hospital at the first of the study.  The latter, St. Joseph Hospital, during 1926 had 17 Negro patients in a total of 44.9, but at the time of the study had none.  It is complained in the hospital that Negro patients must be placed in private rooms unless there are two Negroes for a double room; and further, that they are unable to pay hospital bills.</p></div></div>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04077">077</controlpgno>
<printpgno>72</printpgno></pageinfo>
<div>
<head>RECREATION</head>
<div>
<head>PLAYGROUNDS</head>
<p>The playgrounds, up to 1923, were under the administration and supervision of the School Board.  After 1923, they were put under the Park Board.  But Miss Snively, the Physical Education director for the public schools remains as the supervising director.</p>
<p>There are 9 playground centers.  Each under the supervision of a paid worker.  3,000 children were registered last year.  This is about 30% of the school census enumeration which was over 15,000 for last year.</p>
<p>There has been trouble in only one playground, that on Holman Street, which is largely attended by colored children. Conflicts arose once or twice this year between Negro and white teams in competition.  The order on all other playgrounds is quite satisfactory.  In fact, it is thought that the conditions surrounding the Holman grounds are largely responsible for the difficulty.</p>
<p>
<hi rend="underscore">Lawton Park</hi> is equipped with a merry-go-round, a slide, 4 see-saws, 5 swings, a swimming pool and a Pavilion.  There was no supervisor in attendance and the white and Negro boys and men were swimming together with no suggestion of segregation.</p>
<p>
<hi rend="underscore">West Swinney Playground</hi> is equipped with 17 swings, a circle swing, 4 testers, 2 slides, swimming pool, merry-go-round, 9 tennis courts, and band concerts are given in the evenings. No Negroes children or men were there, and, at the time of the visit, it was not supervised.</p>
<p>
<hi rend="underscore">Weisser Park</hi> has 16 swings, 2 slides, 4 see-saws, a circle swing, merry-go-round, 4 tennis courts, 2 baseball diamonds, a sand bed and a 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04078">078</controlpgno>
<printpgno></printpgno></pageinfo>The following table gives the results of visits to the playgrounds used by Negro children.</p>
<illus entity="LMU04-23.I01" map="no"></illus>
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04079">079</controlpgno>
<printpgno>73</printpgno></pageinfo>
<p>sliding ladder.  The games played were volley-ball, baseball, tennis and checkers, in which the Negro children took part with the others.  The majority of children were young-of the 205 in attendance, about 50 appeared to be less than ten, about 25 appeared to be between 15 and 20 and another large group appeared to be between 10 and 14.  A few adults were present.  There were two female and one male supervisors.</p>
<p>
<hi rend="underscore">Holman Street Park</hi> is nearest the larger Negro area.  All the children were Negroes.  It is equipped with 6 swings, a circle swing, 4 see-saws, a sand bed, ladder slide, wading pool, ball diamond and lavatory.  At the time of the visit the Blue and White (girl) teams of Wheatley Center were playing.</p>
<p>
<hi rend="underscore">Memorial Park Playground</hi> has 10 swings, a slide, a horse shoe game, sand bed, 4 teeters, a ball diamond and a Pavilion.  Small children were playing at horse shoes and in the sand-pit.  Two school teams were playing baseball.  There were three female supervisors.</p>
<p>
<hi rend="underscore">McCulloch Playground</hi> has 14 wings, 1 slide, circle swing, ladder pole, sand bed, and 4 teeters.  Weaving and sewing are taught.  Five Mexican children were playing separately.  Two colored boys were on a team playing baseball and two others were on the circle swings.  There were three female supervisors.</p>
<p>The Park Commissions expressed the hope that in 1926 they would be allowed appropriations sufficient to establish more playgrounds and additional equipment and supervisors.  If Negro children are permitted to use freely the playgrounds nearest their residences, there would not seem to be sufficient need for additional ones for them.  However, the Holman Street Playground, used so largely by Negroes, could be made more attractive 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04080">080</controlpgno>
<printpgno>74</printpgno></pageinfo>and useful under a full time, and well trained playground supervisor.</p>
<p>The other principal recreation center is the Wheatley Center, to be discussed more fully in another section.  It is the only formal recreation center for Negroes in the city and with its small building has attracted many young people, organizing them into clubs, providing recreation hours during the months when they cannot play out-of-doors, arranging for camping parties.  Its greatest usefulness, however, was in offering the single recreation opportunity for young adults.  A popular program which involved social dancing under supervision, has been curbed by the public protestations of the Negro ministry, and, as a consequence, much of the attendance of this group has fallen off, and no substitute as wholesome appears to have developed in the place of this.</p>
<p>A complaint of the younger persons interviewed was that the town &ldquo;was dead&rdquo; and there was nothing for one to do for amusement.  Many leave for larger cities.  The theaters, in recent years, been discouraging Negro patronage and only two remain in which freedom is felt to attend.  They are expected to use the balconies, and the more sensitive ones prefer to stay away.  The Negro population is too small to sustain a Negro moving picture house.</p>
<p>The most flourishing recreation is the pool halls where the young men seek diversion.  One of the largest of these is owned by a man who is, in many ways, public spirited.</p>
<p>Several incidents with serious results might be traced in large part to the inadequacies in this field.  The Negro officer who patrols an area of West Ft. Wayne, including Westfield, commented upon his efforts to break 
<pageinfo>
<controlpgno entity="lmu04081">081</controlpgno>
<printpgno>75</printpgno></pageinfo>up the practice indulged in by young Negroes boys and young men, of coming over to this district at night to have a fling with the girls who, similarly, have no other more legitimate diversion.</p>
<p>The family histories revealed in answer to the question &ldquo;where do you spend your leisure time&rdquo; that the majority of them spent it &ldquo;at home&rdquo;.</p></div></div></body></text>
</tei2>
