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From Joseph Medill to Horace White, March 5, 1863
Chicago, March 5 1863.
Dr Sir
Since I have lived in Illinois I never witnessed greater hostility to any public measure than that existing against the thirteenth section of the new conscript law.it can never be enforced. The whole army in the South, would fail to enforce it. The attempt to draft under it will surely be the signal for general and bloody resistance — if the meaning of the section is what people suppose.
I am trying to put a different construction on it. If mine is sustained the law can be enforced — provided the army win some victories and lift the hearts of loyal men out of the ashes of dispair (And by the way, I hardly look for much success under Copperhead Grant & Crazy Sherman)
The stern, terribly stern objection raised to the 13th secion is, that if the Goverment calls for a certain number of men — the poor only are forced to go, while those who can raise $300. can stay at home without furnishing a substitute and the Goverment takes the money and does without the man. There is no possible defense, justification or apology
that can be made for this outrage. Let me illustrate. Suppose the President calls for 200.000 men. A draft is made. 100,000 “poor” devils can't put up the little $300, and they must go into the army for 3 years or during the war The other 100,000 conscripts raise the commutation money and stay at home. Result of the bowl of fish — 100,000 men and thirty millions of dollars, — but short of men one half. Men being what the Gov't must have, an other draft is ordered of 200,000 more men: net result same as before. The Govt has now obtained its 200,000 men and has got sixty millions of “blood money” besides from those able to pay. But the whole sacrife of life, limb, health, home, falls upon the poor and laboring classes who have the least at stake in the preservation of the Union. Those having most go scot-free. This discrimination is infinies more odious than the rebel 20 nigger exemption, which the rebel Congress was glad to repeal after it had raised an awful storm about the ears of Davis & co. the 13th sec, as popularly construed is pure devilish despotism — subversive of the fundamental principles of equality and democracy It can never be enforced
Now, Examine my construction of the law — that the Sec of War, will take the commutation money from no man until a substitute steps forward and volunteers to take the $300 and serve in the place of the conscript. In other words the Sec of War must get the exact number of men drafted in person or by substitute, and there is no commutation whereby the Gov't looses a man. No other construction will be submitted to by the people.
Should the Republican leaders under take to endorse and defend the other construction they would be left without a party to follow them—
I desire that you shall lay this matter before Secretary Stanton and President Lincoln. You are liberty to let them read this letter if you see proper. But be assured that what I tell you in reguard to the popular repugnance and horror of the 13th sec is what I state.
Yours Truly
J Medill
From Henry Cowles to John Pierpont 1, March 6, 1863
Oberlin O. March 6. 1863
My dear friend
The case of the freedmen of this war presses heavily on my mind. I have rejoiced with great joy in the Executive proclamation of emancipation, as also in those earlier laws which gave freedom to reb slaves of rebels who may get within our lines.
To make the proclamation a success, we must make freedom a blessing to the freed. To many of them, it is doubtful whether thus far it has been more a good than an evil. I have had occasion to know that some of the freedmen, especially on our Western waters have suffered suffered fearfully from insufficient shelter & clothing, from sickness, from want of occupation, & not least, from abusive treatment at the hands of army officers.
These evils have seemed so great & the mischiefs resulting from them so serious that a large number of Christian philanthropists in this both Northern & Southern Ohio requested me to make a journey to Washington, with the following objects in view:
(1.) To represent to the Heads of the War Department the sufferings of the freedmen along the Mississippi & in its vicinity & to invoke their interposition to alleviate them so far as possible:
(2.) To suggest & perhaps urge the adoption of some definite policy in order to secure for the freedmen constant labor, & thereby, the means of self support.
(3) To assure the President & others that the philanthropists of the West are ready to co-operate vigorously with the Government in the care & instruction of these freedmen, to aid in their material, social & moral improvement.
In this mission, I expected the presence & aid of Rev Dr Boynton
March 10.
Resuming after a temporary absence from home, I add that I made it my first endeavor to see Secy Chase.
You will be better able to appreciate the evils which I have been seeking to remedy if I lay before you a few extracts from letters received from S. G. Wright, a worthy & most reliable gentleman, long known to me — almost twenty years a missionary teacher & farmer among the Ojibewa Indians of Minnesota, but since Nov. last, a teacher & I might say a “ministering angel” to the suffering freedmen in Columbus, Ky.
He wrote Jany 7/63 — “The military officers here, with few exceptions, have no kind of sympathy with the negroes; would rather they were back in slavery than here; & will thwart any plans we may divise to better their condition, if possible. They are proslavery, secesh at heart, unprincipled.”
Jany 18/63 — thus.
“I have been laboring to secure the removal of several hundreds of the negroes from Columbus (Ky) to Cincinnati, O. Gen. Grant sent an order requiring them all to be put into my hands to be sent to Cincinnati; transportation to be furnished &c Gen The Contrabands were all enrolled & started off for this place (Cairo.) Gen. Davis
“You will ask — Why take these people to Ohio? My reason for it was — I knew that the officers were allowing men from Kentucky to come in & take off women & children. I saw three wagon-loads of women & children taken off & Gen. Davis told Mr Perkins” (then a missionary among them acting under the Am. Miss. Association of N. Y.) “that he intended to allow them to go back. They are so meanly treated by the officers that many are willing to go back into slavery”.
I might quote more to the same effect.
These evils are somewhat abated; Davis has been removed to another locality; & Gen Grant has appointed Rev John Eaton, Chaplain, to be Superintendent of Contrabands in his Department. Yet still one clear strong word from the Heads of Department in behalf of the suffering freedmen would do great good. The officers should know that their superiors will insist on humane treatment for these people, & that they mean to make emancipation a blessing to them.
It seems to me of the utmost consequence to provide for them some self-supporting occupation — about the army — on fortifications — bearing arms, or, better than all when possible, the cultivation of the soil, where all might work & where schools & all due appliances for their improvement might be worked to the best possible advantage. As soon as possible I hope some place will be found in our South Western border, (as around Port Royal), where, protected against their enemies, they may not only support themselves, but repay the Government or their friends will, for all the aid & protection given them.
Will you do me the favor to bring this subject to the attention of Secy Chase who I hope will now be able give it some attention, & the more since as I understand the case, the abandoned properties of rebels are in some measure in his hands. May I not commit to yourself & to him the responsibility of bringing this whole case to the special notice of the President & Secretary of War. Not for humanitys sake alone but for the sake of giving effect to the policy of Emancipation & of helping forward the salvation of our country, let every thing be done that can be to befriend & bless this long oppressed people.
I wrote some days since to Senator Sumner on this subject. Please let me hear from you if any thing can be done, or if obstacles exist that forbid any desirable changes—
With kindest regards
Ever yours for God & humanity
Henry Cowles
From Oliver P. Morton to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 6, 1863
Indianapolis, March 6th 1863.
Dear Sir;
Public feeling has greatly improved in the West within the last six weeks, but I fear the improvement is likely to receive a disastrous check from the construction given to the 13th Section of the Conscription Act, which permits a drafted man to relieve himself from the draft by the payment of $300.00 By this construction every man who can beg or borrow $300.00 can exempt himself from the draft and it will fall only upon those who are too poor to raise that sum. I can assure you that this feature in the Bill is creating much excitement and ill feeling towards the Government among the poorer classes generally, without regard to party and may if it is not subdued lead, to a popular storm under cover of which the execution of the Conscription Act may be greatly hindered or even defeated in some portions of the Country.
Under this construction I am satisfied that the draft will not put into the ranks any democrat who is not working with the Union party. Already movements are on foot in the secret societies of Indiana and among the leaders of the disloyalists to raise money to purchase the exemption of every Democrat who may be drafted and who cannot raise the money himself; and already the boast is made that the Government shall not have one more of their men for the prosecution of this War.
The matter seems to me of so much importance that I have procured Col Rose,
From a careful reading of the Section I am of the opinion that a construction can be given to it without violence by which it is left discretionary with the Secretary of War to determine whether he will accept of any sum in discharge of the drafted man and that he may legitimately determine that he will not.
In my judgment, it is of the first importance that this construction if possible be immediately given to the Act, and published to the world before a current of feeling shall have set in against the Government.
In Indiana substitutes cannot be procured for Three hundred dollars ($300.00) in any number, if at all, and the rule should be that every drafted man should be required to serve unless he shall actually produce his substitute.
I pray you to give this subject your immediate consideration
Very Respectfully Yours,
O. P. Morton
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Gov. Morton.
From Horace Maynard and George W. Bridges to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 6, 1863
To the President of the United States.
In compliance with your suggestion, I present in this form my wishes in behalf of East Tennessee.
1. Let that region be created a separate Department.
2. Let an officer be appointed to the command.
I will name no one, here. But let him be a man of hard common sense, with capacity & a disposition to labor, & willing to forego the comforts of city Head Quarters, — with sagacity to know a man whenever & wherever he sees him.
3. Let him have control of such forces as are scattered in Central Kentucky, with power to raise troops in that State, under the late Act of Congress. Also, to gather such men from Tennessee as can be gathered, & any recruits that can be picked up the north of the Ohio.
4. Let the troops be largely mounted & armed with the rifle — more as mounted infantry than as cavalry proper.
5. If we cannot get full possession of E. Tennessee, we can, at least, compel the rebels to expend a vast force in watching the various points on the rail-road & elsewhere.
6. We in this way afford protection to the most loyal parts of Kentucky, that have suffered from want of it.
If these things cannot be done, in the opinion of your military advisers, give us assurances of arms & support, & let our people fight in their own fashion.
Horace Maynard
Geo. W. Bridges
March 6. 1863.
From Alexander Ramsey to Abraham Lincoln, March 6, 1863
Saint Paul, March 6 1863.
Dr Sir.
The Legislature of this State having passed a Memorial to your Excellency requesting that you direct the Commander in Chief of the North West to station a Company of Cavalry on the Military Road at & near Lake Superior, I most cheerfully concur in their Memorial. There are about One thousand people residing at the head of Lake Superior in Minn. & Wisconsin, separated by a vast forest of about One hundred miles from military aid and settlement, and surrounded by the Lake Superior Bands of Chippewas. It is therefore of the utmost importance that the Military Road our Only outlet to Lake Superior should be guarded. Especially as the Mille Lac & Crow Wing road connects with the Military Road about Thirty miles from Lake Superior.
Very Respectfully
Alex. Ramsey
From Thomas J. Drake and Charles B. Waite to Edward Bates [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 6, 1863
The Mormon Experience: A History of the Latter-Day Saints (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979), 170); nonetheless relations between Federal officials in the territory and its Mormon population were volatile. A Federal force had been brought into Utah to guard the overland stage line and the transcontinental telegraph, and its presence was provocative to a population already feeling bruised by Federal hostility toward polygamy, and by the memory of a recent previous occupation by Federal troops during the Buchanan Administration. For the territorial governor's perspective, see Stephen S. Harding to William H. Seward, March 11, 1863.
Great Salt Lake City U— T.
March 6, 1863.
Sir;
Enclosed we send you a communication, which you will please lay before his Excellency the President of the United States, together with the copy of the Deseret News, which we send in the same Express Bag.
In a few days, we will endeavor to send you a fuller statement of the condition of this Territory so far as relates to the Judiciary Department.
With much respect
Your Obt Svts.
Thomas J Drake
Associate Justice Sup Court
U. S. U. T
Charles B Waite
Associate Justice Do.
P. S. I need scarcely say, we shall neither resign nor leave the Territory. D & W.
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
Utah Mormonism—
From Thomas J. Drake and Charles B. Waite to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 6, 1863
The Mormon Experience: A History of the Latter-Day Saints (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979), 170); nonetheless relations between Federal officials in the territory and its Mormon population were volatile. A Federal force had been brought into Utah to guard the overland stage line and the transcontinental telegraph, and its presence was provocative to a population already feeling bruised by Federal hostility toward polygamy, and by the memory of a recent previous occupation by Federal troops during the Buchanan Administration. For the territorial governor's perspective, see Stephen S. Harding to William H. Seward, March 11, 1863.
(Confidential.)
Sir:
On Tuesday last, the third day of this month, a large meeting, comprising nearly the entire male portion of thes inhabitants of this City, was held at the Tabernacle, nearly every Mormon resident, (and you are well aware that nearly all the residents are Mormons) having been previously notified to appear, through the machinery of the Mormon Church.
Some general idea of the character and proceedings of the meeting, may be gathered from the Deseret News of March 4th, a copy of which we send you, by the same Express Bag, with this communication. But the report of the proceedings, is dressed up for effect, and the report of the speech of Brigham Young, is entirely incorrect, but a small portion of his remarks is being given, and that the least wicked, offensive and traitorous. His speech was very incendiary and revolutionary.v For its true character, we beg leave to refer your Excellency to the affidavits of Francis M. Long, and A. L. Harding attached hereto.
We submit to your Excellency, that said Meeting, and said speech of Brigham Young, taken in connection with the previous condition of the Territory, has brought on a crisis in the affairs of this Territory, which, whether the Government is prepared to meet it at the present time, or not, will operate to suspend, for the present, all attempts to enforce the laws through the legally appointed civil tribunals of the country.
The Organic Act, we consider, for the present, entirely inoperative.
We have accordingly resolved, for the present, to making make no preparation for holding any Courts, until we shall be properly supported by the military power of the Government.
We have accordingly telegraphed to the Treasury Department, not to place to the credit of the Marshall, nor to pay over to him the amounts estimated as necessary to pay the expenses of our Courts this spring, until further advised by us. This will save at least $5000 to the government, which if sent, will be expended among the Mormons, but resulting in no other earthly good, to them, the government or the country.
We do not, of course, feel called upon, at this time, to justify to your Excellency our course of action here, previous to the third of instant, but would merely say, in reference to the Bill for an Act of Congress, which was made, more particularly the pretext for the action of the meeting, that it was drawn with much care and consideration, and was such as we think your Excellency would approve. The right of suffrage, which it was pretended would be infringed upon, was actually extended, by the bill, taken as a whole, because, whilst the military officers were to be appointed by the Governor, nearly all the civil officers, who are, under the Organic Act, elected by the Legislature, would, under the bill, be elected by the people. It is only necessary to say, further, on this subject, that the bill was drawn to remedy defects in the Organic Act, and in preparing it, we had reference to the combined interests of the people of the Territory and of the whole Union.—
In justification of our action since the third instant, as indicated in this communication, we would state a very few facts:
The people of this Territory, by whom we mean the Mormon portion of them, constituting more than nineteen twentieths, of the whole number, are entirely under the control of an ecclesiastical monarchy, at the head of which, is Brigham Young, whose power is less limited and checked than that of any monarch in Europe. He has authoritatively stated, as shown by the affidavits already referred to that we must leave the Territory. Of course he will not permit justice to be administered in our Courts if he can prevent it. As a sample of his power in this regard, we refer your Excellency to the case of Judge Cradlebaugh, who, in 1859, made many efforts to bring to punishment the perpetrators of crimes, but was unable, even to get them indicted, although the Grand Jury were in session two weeks, and had before them the most explicit testimony.— The judge, upon discharging the jury, told them they had failed to perform their duty, and caused an entry to be made upon his docket, explaining the difficulties he had been obliged to contend with, in endeavoring to administer justice, from which entry the following is an extract:
“To crown all, the grand jury, sworn to perform a high public duty, has lent itself as a willing instrument to this organized opposition to the laws of the country, and refuse to meet its obligations; A most willing inclination has been manifested to prosecute Indians, and other persons not Mormons, while Mormon murderers and thieves are allowed to go unpunished.”
This, it will be remembered, was since the “Mormon War,” so called, when it was vainly supposed by the people of the country, that this people had been brought to a sense of duty, and a willingness to obey the laws of the country.
The conduct of the people, at that time, may not appear so strange, when we look at the teachings they receive.
On the second of March, 1856, Jedediah M. Grant, who was then one of the first Presidency of the Church, used the following language, in a sermon preached at the Tabernacle, in this City, to an immense congregation:
“Last Sunday, the President, (Brigham Young) chastised some of the apostles and bishops, who were on the Grand Jury. Did he succeed in clearing away the fog which surrounded them? and in removing blindness from their eyes? No, for they could go to their room and again disagree, though to their credit it must be admitted, that a brief explanation made them unanimous in their action. Not long ago I heard, that in a certain case, the traverse jury, were eleven against one, and what is more singular the one, alone was right in his views of the case. Several had got into the fog, to suck and eat the filth of a gentile law court, ostensibly a Court of Utah, although I call it a gentile Court.”
This sermon was published in the Deseret News, Vol. 6, No 1, dated March 12, 1856, on page 4. —and
Since the passage of the Anti-Polygamy Bill by Congress,
“The Congress of the United States have lately passed a law, to punish polygamy in the Territories of the United States, and in other places, over which they have exclusive jurisdiction. In doing this they have undertaken to dictate the Allmighty in his revelations to his people, and those who handle edged tools, unless they are skillful, are apt to cut their fingers; and those who hand out insult to the great I am, in the end, are apt to get more than they have spoken for.”
These words were used in a sermon preached by him in this City, on the 6th of July last, to several thousand people. It is published in the Deseret News, Vol. 12, No 6, dated August 6, 1862.
In conclusion, we would say, that knowing the critical condition of the country, we have endeavored to avoid or postpone this condition of things, and have been as concilatory, in our language and conduct, as was possibly consistent with our self respect and our sense of duty.
But this crisis has been precipitated by Brigham Young, and his advisers.
Judge Waite has been stopped upon the street, and his life threatened if he did not resign, and we have he has been notified that the Judges should not hold any Courts. And we now notify your Excellency, not, of course, because of the notice just spoken of, but for the reasons set forth in this communication, that the administration of justice is suspended in this Territory. And that, with the exception, perhaps, of a Term of the Supreme Court to be held in this City, in July next we shall not attempt to hold any Court in two of the Districts of the Territory, until we are properly supported by the military power of the government, which we consider, as at present advised, to be at least Five Thousand men, well armed, equipped and provided.
This is our conclusion, unless your Excellency shall otherwise advise.
All of which is respectfully submitted.
Thomas J Drake
Associate Justice Sup Court
U. S. U. T.
Charles B. Waite
Associate Justice Do.
Great Salt Lake City
U. T. March 6, 1863
Enclosure:]
United States of America)
Territory of Utah
Francis M. Long, being first duly sworn, says, he resides in Salt Lake City, in said Territory, with his family.—
That he was present at a meeting at the Tabernacle, in said City, on Tuesday, the third day of the present month. He sat where he could hear nearly every thing that was said. I Heard distinctly every thing said by Brigham Young, except a few opening remarks.
In that speech Brigham Young said, speaking of Governor Harding,man did I say, thing I mean,” &c. “A nigger-worshipper — a black-hearted abolitionist, is what he is and what he represents. And that I do naturally despise.”
Speaking of the Judges he said, “Judge Waite and Judge Drake are perfect fools and tools for the Governor.” “If they could get the power, as they want to do, to try have the marshall choose jurors of cut-throats, black-legs, soldiers, and desperadoes, from California, and we were to be tried by such men, what would become of us.”
He also said, speaking of the war, “This thing is coming to pass, just as Brother Joseph said, thirty years ago; that the South would rise against the North, and the North against the South, and that they would fight until both parties were destroyed. And for m my part, and I give it God speed. For they have spilt the blood of the prophet.” To which the audience responded.
He further said that Governor Harding wanted to have the telegraph torn down, and the mails stopped, b and turned by the way of Panama.
He said to the people, “Do you acknowledge this man Harding as your governor? Th Voices. “No, you are our governor.” “Yes,” said he, “I am your governor.”
“Will you,” said he, “allow such a man to remain in the Territory?” Voices. “No! Put him out.” “Yes,” said he, “put him out.”
He said in substance, that the Governor and the two judges before named, must leave the territory. That if they would not resign, and if the President would not recall them, the people must attend to it.
His speech was very inflammatory, and but a small part of what he said, is reported in the Deseret News. And further this affiant saith not.
Francis M. Long
Sworn and subscribed to before me, this 5th day of March A. D. 1863
Charles B. Waite,
Associate Justice Sup.
Ct of U. S for Utah Territory.
[Enclosure:]
United States of America)
Territory of Utah.
duly sworn Attila L. Harding being first duly sworn, says he says he was present at said meeting and the above statement is correct so far as it goes. Brigham Young said: I will let him (Harding) know who is Governor, I am Governor, if he attempts to interfere with my affairs woe, woe unto him, at the same time shaking his fist with great indignation which was responded to with loud applause by the crowd and answers yes you are Governor. Brigham Young wound up his harangue by stating what Joseph Smith told him thirty years ago; that these prophecies were bound to come true, he hoped they would Said he would like to live in peace with the Government of the United States but that he had no desire to live with a people who had brought ruin and disgrace upon their own heads; that he desired to live in a free and independent Government where he could enjoy would'nt live with or have any thing to do with the United States, that he would have a free and independent Government to himself where he could enjoy his civil and religious liberties. This was responded to with long Amens and loud applause by the crowd
A. L. Harding
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 6th day of March A D 1863.
Charles B Waite Associate Just. Sup Ct. U S Utah T.
From Cuthbert Bullitt to Abraham Lincoln, March 7, 1863
March 7th 1863
My Dear Sir
My first pleasure in entering upon duty as collector of this port, is to return you my sincere thanks for the honor you have conferred upon me, it shall be my ambition to deserve the Compliment & to uphold your administration—
It does not become me to speak of myself, but I hope it may be agreeable to you, to know that your selection has been endorsed by the entire mercantile community of this city, friends & foes—
Your usual & uniform kindness, emboldens me to make some suggestions, which I have fully written to Mr Chase & beg of you as your freind, & lover of the Union, to turn all your spare forces in this direction (Army & Navy) For it is freely admitted here by our worst enemies that if the Missi river is lost to them that they will be compelled to give up the contest—
We want a great victory somewhere, & if we are not ready to move up & down the river, or to make a strike on the Atlantic, let us for Gods Sake move on Mobile while she is now weak, with a force not exceeding 10.000.
I have suggested this matter in a social conversation with Admiral Farragut & Genl Banks, they seem to admit it is practicable, but remarked there was no authority to leave here—
Some months since I wrote fully on this point, which is no doubt on file in the department & now repeat in a few words, that our forces can land at Pascagoula on the Ala Gulf coast, unopposed & march “over the finest country in the South thirty miles to Mobile unobstructed by undergrowth or streams, while the fleet, attacks the fort & moves up the bay,
The enemy is well known to be drawing towards Vicksburg & Port Hudson, they cannot approach Mobile with more facility than we can, by the routes proposed, in fact the advantages are in our favor,
Communications come in to me from all quarters, I beg leave to enclose you one of them—
There is a bitter feeling among our folks, & all they ask, is to give us strength, when we can easily place the State in the Union, under civil government, & do away with all provisional appointments, which shows the community that we have no confidence in ourselves,
Pray excuse me for writing you so boldly, it is my way, & I cannot help it, if you give me the privelidge, I will give you all worth troubling you with the sincerity of a friend,
Present my kind regards to your good Lady
& Believe me
Very Truly Yours
Cuthbert Bullitt
From John A. Dix to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 7, 1863
Fort Monroe, Va. Mch. 7th 1863
Sir:
I am extremely unwilling to trouble you amid your multifarious and responsible duties with a matter, which ought to have been settled elsewhere. But having failed in every effort to arrange it, I feel it my duty to the public service to appeal to you. Soon after Admiral Lee
No such requirement has been enforced before, since the commencement of the war. It is not only a new but a useless vexation: and has led in some instances to the most serious inconvenience and loss.—
The only pretext, under which it can be made, is to enforce the blockade; and as against this Fort it is an absurdity. A blockade is an investment of an enemy's port.— Admiral Lee is blockading one of our Forts by one of our gun-boats — a novelty in war which is without precedent.
I protested against this proceeding at the outset as an indignity to the Army and to the Commander of this Military Department whose Head Quarters are here; and I would have resisted it but for an unwillingness to present to the public the scandal of a quarrel between the Army and the Navy, when the cordial co-operation of both is needed to maintain the national interests and honor.
If the object of the blockade of the enemy's territory were promoted by the measure, I would silently acquiesce in it, objectionable as it is. But no such object is gained. There is no enemy's territory to blockade within fifteen miles of Fort Monroe, and the blockading squadron at Newport News and Norfolk shuts out all ingress.
It does not profess to be a precaution against smuggling, and it would be useless if it did. There is a revenue vessel at Fort Monroe, commanded by a very faithful and vigilant officer. There is also a Captain of the Port with a competent force.— These two officers examine all vessels that come to Fort Monroe, not only as to the sufficiency of their papers, but as to their cargoes, opening and scrutinizing every cask and package.
The practical objections to the measure are these
1st It compels every vessel to come to, and to send to the Fort for a permit, often at great inconvenience.—
2nd It occasions delays, always vexatious in time of war, when the prompt delivery of supplies is necessary, and sometimes exceedingly annoying.— The last time I visited Washington, a Commissary's vessel laden with potatoes of which we were greatly in need, was kept lying alongside of the guard-boat twenty four hours because I was not here to give a permit. On the same day some boats laden with insurgents came out of the Rappahannock and burned the Ship Alleghanian laden with guano. If the gun-boat had been employed in protecting our commerce there, instead of blockading the Army at Fort Monroe, and keeping us out of our supplies, it would have deprived the enemy of a success and spared us an annoyance.—
3rd It is the source not only of annoyance but of disaster and private injury. On the night of the 21st ulto. in the midst of a violent easterly gale and snow storm a schooner laden with forage for the Quartermaster in attempting to enter the harbor for shelter, was ordered off by the guard-boat, as the Captain states because she had not a permit from me, and ran aground on the beach. She was unladen with great inconvenience, and we had three Steamers employed for portions of two days to get her afloat. The actual loss to the Government cannot be less than $1.000—
The Officer of the Gun-boat, as I learn, has authority to pass vessels driven into the harbor by violent storms; but misapprehensions sometimes arise and serious accidents occur in consequence. If the gun-boat were removed there would be no danger of misunderstanding and loss.—
These are briefly some of the inconveniences and the evils of this measure.— I object to it 1st as useless; 2nd as inconvenient and vexatious; 3rd as producing public annoyance and injury; 4th as a source of private wrong and loss; and 5th as an indignity to the Army; and on these grounds I ask your interposition to terminate it. I enclose a map showing the position of the gun-boat at “A”, and I request that she may be required to be removed and placed as far west as “B”, and that this Fort be left open to the access of vessels as it was under Admirals Goldsborough and Wilkes, not only to such as have Army supplies, but such as come here for shelter, subject to the usual revenue and military inspection which is never omitted.—
There is an immense contraband traffic carried on between the York and Rappahannock Rivers, and the Steamer which is blockading us, might render a valuable service in that quarter instead of creating annoyance to the Army here.—
I have the honor to be,
Very respectfully,
Your ob'd't Servant
John A. Dix
Maj. Genl.—
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Submitted to Mars & Neptune.
From Benjamin F. Wade to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 7, 1863
Committee Room.
Washington, D. C. March 7, 1863.
Sir;
Congress having made a call on the Executive for copies of all papers & documents connected with the movements of the Army of the Potomac; & we having been informed by Gen. Halleck that those copies have been prepared; but from some cause having failed to reach Congress before the close of its late session; the Committee on the Conduct of the War have directed me to ask that you will please furnish said copies to the Committee; with as little delay as possible; as they are very necessary to enable us to complete our labors—
Very respectfully,
Your obed't Servant,
B. F. Wade
Chairman
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
Will the Committee please call and see me at, say 8. o,clock this evening?
A. Lincoln
March 7, 1863.
[Endorsed by Benjamin F. Wade:]
I will see you this evening at 8 ‘oclock as you suggest
B. F. Wade
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Hon. B.F. Wade
U.S. Senate
From Brigham Young to J. M. Rosse, March 7, 1863
Great Salt Lake City, March 7. 1863.
Dear Sir:— Your note of the 7th inst. is at hand in which you inform me that various parties have solicited you to represent to the President of the U. S. the causes of complaint which have been made against myself and the people of Utah “by some of the federal officials here,”
First you say it is alleged that I as well as the people of Utah are disloyal to the Government of the U. S.
In answer to that accusation I will answer in one brief sentence— If I rightly understand the term disloyalty, the allegation is utterly and absolutely false. But if I do not rightly understand the term and a devotion to and love for my country constitutes disloyalty then I as well as this people are disloyal. If a prompt response to the call of my country during the Mexican War by the sending of over 500 of our young men to help bear aloft in triumph our flag, whilst we were yet wanderers in the desert plains, constitutes disloyalty, I as well as this people have been disloyal in the past.
If a prompt response to the call of our acting-Governor, and a subsequent call by the President of the U. S., in April last, for men to protect the Overland Mail constitutes disloyalty, I as well as this people are disloyal. If a present readiness at all times and under all circumstances to aid and assist in protecting the honor and glory of our common country constitutes disloyalty, I as well as the people are thoroughly disloyal; but if the above acts referred to are evidences of loyalty, then no part of the U. S. contains a more loyal and devoted people than are the people of Utah. Let me add, were it not clear to every intelligent mind, I might show a thousand reasons why this people should be loyal, and I defy the man, however acute, to show one single reason why we should be disloyal.
Second. You say it is alleged that the laws of the U. S. cannot be executed in this Territory, because of my opposition, either directly or indirectly, as the head of the Mormon Church. In reply to that accusation I will say that I have never, directly or indirectly, thrown any impediment in the way of the execution of the laws of the U. S.; and further, that, so far as my influence and power extends, shall at all times be at the service of the civil authorities to assist in the execution of the laws; and I, and I believe that I can speak for the inhabitants of this whole Territory, will sustain the Institutions and laws of our Government to the uttermost, as we ever have done.
In regard to the third allegation — that influential Mormons encourage the robbery and massacre of imigrants by Indians — I have the means of knowing that it is absolutely false.
And now, as to the concluding allegation, that the hostile feeling of the people here to the federal officials renders it necessary to maintain at this point a large military force, to enforce the laws and secure the personal safety of the federal officials here.— So far as the first part of this assertion is concerned, I can but repeat what I before stated, — that to the extent of my influence, any and every law for the government of the people of this Territory shall be executed without any hindrance whatever; and in regard to the personal safety of federal officials, I believe they are as safe from violence here as they would be in New York or Boston.
Respectfully Yours,
Brigham Young.
From Mrs. L. H. Phipps to Abraham Lincoln, March 8, 1863
March 8th
It grieves me to think that the President should have misunderstood my motives in requesting of him an interview — after his kindness in the one already granted to me.
First, in the pressure of his business, I could not have expected him to carry my case upon his mind, nor would I have “importuned” him for an appointment which a Sec'y to whom he referred me, & who has his confidence, thought necessary to refuse me.
Collected Works, VI, 114.
Mr. Stanton declined making another appointment to a Pennsylvanian, — that State having already more than its share of Paymasters It was right — but I have been told that had I applied for Mr Phipps as from Memphis — from which place he has a claim, Mr Stanton w'd probably have nominated him — & that it is not now too late—
Upon the advice of these gents, I have been to the War Department — hoping to see Mr S. (& thus far unsuccessful in seeing him) to tell him that Mr Phipps was in business in Tennessee some years — & was driven from Memphis in the outbreak of the Rebellion — as an Abolitionist— He suffered in the loss of all he had accumulated for 3 years — his business was broken up, & after all personal violence, for persisting in his Loyalty. This persecution cast him upon the world penniless. From that time, nearly 2 years, till now, he has been unable to get into any business — which has brought suffering to his family — & the deprivation of comforts essential to health.
The urgency of the circumstances is my excuse for appearing before the President & Departments for Employment, for a man Loyal to his country & true to the Administration.
When I see young men, without families, not more loyal than he, certainly — & not possessed of his uncommon business talent, receiving employment from the Government, I feel how very hard it is, than an honest man, industrious, & of unblemished, reputation, having had an unusually large business experience, should by the revolution in the country be deprived of the power to support his family, or even to sustain himself. Can President Lincoln wonder at my coming to his aid, in this way?— The trial, I had rather endure alone, than be dependant upon any intercessor
I feel no claim upon Mr Fosterif I ask it.
If there is no chance for a Paymastership for Mr Phipps, from Tennessee, I have been wishing there could be some situation for him in Phila. such as in the Custom House — Post Office, or some office or agency in the Presidents gift which would enable him while serving the Govt. to be more with his family — than he could be of late years, through reverses—
That was my wish, in seeing you, to know if you could give him any employment, which would give us some support, while you would have in his services a prompt & full return & without improperly importuning you, I most earnestlydesire it— If there is such position in your gift — & for him you would have the heartfelt gratitude of most respectfully yours
L. H Phipps—
From From Thurlow Weed to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 8, 1863
Collected Works, VI, 112-13.
Albany, March 8, 1863.
Dear Sir,
Things do not prosper at New-Orleans. Very well informed persons write me that Gen Butler
There is a more healthful and hopeful re-action in the public mind, but it needs encouragement, or the Conscription Act cannot be made effective. Democrats will prefer Party to Country if Abolition is thrust forward is a reason for Prosecuting the War. The President is not strong enough to shoulder that burthen.
The Secession “Patard,” in Connecticut, has probably “hoisted” its own Engineers. Thank God for so much.
Truly Yours
Thurlow Weed
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Weed
From Abraham Lincoln to Mrs. L. H. Phipps [Draft] 1, March 9, 1863
Executive Mansion,
Washington, March 9, 1863.
Yours of the 8th is received. It is difficult for you to understand, what is neverle nevertheless true, that the bare reading of a letter of that length requires more than any one person's share of my time. And when read, what is it but an evidence that you intend to importune me for one thing, and another, and another, until, in self-defense, I must drop all and devote myself to find a place, even though I remove somebody else to do it, and thereby turn him & his friends upon me for indefinite future importunity, and hindrance from the legitimate duties for which I am supposed to be placed here.?
Yours &c,
A. Lincoln
From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Copy] 1, March 9, 1863
Executive Mansion,
Washington, March 9. 1863.
Dear Sir
A few days since I gave the lady, bearer of this, Mrs Phipps, some sort of writing, favoring the appointment of her husband to be an Additional Pay Master. She thinks she failed because the application was made as from Pennsylvania, and says that it could & can be justly made from Tennessee— Please let her have it, if you consistently can either from Tennessee or any where else.
Yours truly
A Lincoln
From N. W. Davis to Abraham Lincoln, March 9, 1863
Assembly Chamber
Albany March 9. 1863
Dear Sir
Much has been said relative to arbitrary arrests this winter in the N Y- Legislature— I inclose to you the copy of resolutions that were passed the 7th inst I forward them to you that when the committee waits upon you an answer will be ready — one that will contain all the facts — one to upon which we can go to the people with— If I recollect the case aright It will do much good to let the facts be known— The committee has been appointed Horn of N-Y- Reddington of St Lawrence and Mayhew of Schoharie
Your obdt Servant
N. W. Davis
From James F. Robinson to Abraham Lincoln, March 9, 1863
Frankfort 9” March 1863.
Dear Sir:
This will be delivered by Mr. Edward S. Theobald of this City. He is a gentleman of true worth and loyalty who stands deservedly high in this community. I beg leave to claim for him your wonted courtesy and attention— He visits Washington as my authorized and accredited Agent to settle the accounts of Kentucky with the United States, for disbursements in raising, subsisting, arming and equipping troops, for her service.
Collected Works, VI, 141.
I earnestly solicit that you will give him your aid and experience influence in procuring a settlement with the proper Department as early as possible. Kentucky has exhausted her Military fund in the disbursements already made. I have reliable information that the Rebels are preparing to invade her from Virginia and Tennessee simultaneously, as soon as the roads will permit— If permitted I can rapidly raise under the late Act of Congress
It must be recollected that the first troops of this State were hurriedly raised upon her first invasion by the traitors— She was then comparatively ignorant of the requirements of law. She had not even a loyal Governor. She was compelled to resort to a Military Board of good men but uninformed in the details and exact requirements of the Military regulations— This Board was compelled to use sub-agents and officers in these particulars like themselves. In this condition of things under the pressure and excitement of an invasion which has been kept up ever since by Guerilla bands and invading armies I claim that a lenient and liberal judgement should be given upon her claims. She asks not that any one be allowed which is not shewn to be true and just. She has expended at least two hundred thousand dollars in her defence for which no claim is made although that defence should be secured by the General Government itself. I will not however doubt that ample justice will be rendered her and full consideration given to her peculiar condition. I beg leave to reiterate that Kentucky will be invaded in force as soon the condition of the roads will permit I am so informed from so many different sources both Union and rebel that I cannot doubt—
There are no troops now in Kentucky by any means sufficient to repel such invasion— They in my opinion should be sent here immediately; and she must be firmly held if she is to be kept securely to her moorings.
You may rest assured, that if a rebel army is again permitted to obtain the foothold and possession here which Smith and Bragg once had there will be much greater difficulty in the expulsion of the former than there was in that of the latter. The insecure and undefended condition of Kentucky has greatly contributed to discourage her Union men and to inspire traitors and keep alive treason. The counties bordering on Virginia and Tennessee and those contiguous have been devastated and desolated. Their suffering from marauding bands has become intolerable many have fled for safety and many others have been terrified and compelled to submission
If a military power were established here which could completely cut off all intercourse between her internal traitors and their advisers and aiders abroad, secession would die out and the Union sentiment would soon be overwhelming.
The past and continued success of the rebel bands and invading armies all over the State is well calculated to inspire the disloyal and sympathisers with hopes of ultimate success and they are now more bold and confident than at any time heretofore. These hasty suggestions are made under a solemn conviction that my State is in imminent peril every way. They are made to him who has the means and power to hold her firmly and safely
The men and money of Kentucky are in the hands of her general Government and rightfully. Were they in mine I would ask no more with which to free her from treason and traitors.
I have the honor to be most respectfully
Your obedt Servt
J F Robinson
From Thaddeus Stevens to Isaac Newton [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 9, 1863
1 Isaac R. Diller, a Springfield businessman, politician and old friend of Lincoln, had been appointed consul at Bremen by President Buchanan. While in Germany Diller learned of a new gunpowder and when he returned to the U. S., he convinced President Lincoln to sponsor tests of the new substance. The results of the tests convinced the government that the powder should not be adopted for use by the military. There are a number of letters in this collection relating to Diller and his powder, but see Diller to Lincoln, September 10, 1862, Charles M. Wetherill to Lincoln, October 17, 1862, Lincoln to Diller, December 15, 1862, Abraham Lincoln, Memorandum of Instructions for Test of Isaac Diller's Powder [c. November 2, 1863], and Diller to Lincoln, December 15, 1863.
The note that follows relates to Dr. Charles Wetherill's pending assignment to assist Diller in the testing of the latter's gunpowder. Isaac Newton, the recipient of the note, was commissioner of agriculture, the agency from which Wetherill was to be reassigned.
(Copy)
Washington March 9th/63
Sir, Permit me to so far interfere where I have no right, as to suggest that the salary of your chemist should be fixed at a price equal to the same officer in any other Department. The loss of Dr Wetherills services, would greatly damage your operations and the character of the Department
(signed) Thaddeus Stevens
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
Dr. Wetherill—
From Richard Busteed to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 10, 1863
Yorktown Va
March 10 1863
Sir
I assure you I am deeply sensible of the distinction you conferred upon me in appointing me a Brigadier General of Volunteers, and am grateful for your many subsequent acts of kindness. To you, and to the Secretary of War, and the many influential and patriotic gentlemen who seconded my own wishes on the subject of entering the military service of the country, I owe a debt of gratitude which I cannot cancel or forget. In return for such favors I am irrevocably bound to a course of unremitting candor and honesty. I sought and received the appointment in the hope and belief that by strict application I might gain sufficient military knowledge to make a useful and efficient commander, and I have ever since assiduously endeavored to master the art and science of war. The experiment, however, has failed to satisfy myself. It is true I have received in “General Orders” the encomiums of my immediate Commander, Major General Keyes, of the 4th Army Corps, and that the five Colonels under me have written flatteringly of what they generously term my ability and success; but over and against all this, are my own convictions that I have not now, and have not the aptness to acquire within the time in which, if at all, it will be needed from me, such knowledge of the military art as would justify me in the attempt to handle and manouvre any considerable number of men. I write this upon mature deliberation, after a career of nearly three months in actual command of a brigade, and after the severest possible struggle a mans ideas of right can have with his personal pride. I write it knowing full well that it affords malice and meanness an opportunity for false or unkind criticism; Still I write it, because I feel I ought; and if in consequence, unfair attacks are directed against me, I will derive ample relief in a sense of duty fearlessly performed, and the ability in civil life, by my voice and pen, and with my means, to sustain the government which you have so faithfully administered, and to save which no sacrifice of man or his vanity is too great.
With these views, and the recollection that the place I hold is eagerly sought after by many who are better able to fill it than myself, I beg that you will not present my name for confirmation to the Senate now in executive session, and that if you have already done so, and I have been honored in that august body by a confirmation, you will accept my resignation which I hereby tender
I am, Sir,
With the highest regard
Very Respectfully Yours
Richard Busteed
Brigadier General of Vols.
From Gerrit Smith to Abraham Lincoln, March 10, 1863
Peterboro N. Y.
March 10 1863
Honored & Dear Sir,
I shall be glad if the constant pressure upon your valuable time enables you to spare five minutes to the running of your eye over the accompanying speech.
The Speech is doubtless very deficient in power & argument — but I believe you will agree with me that it is only in the Spirit of this Speech we can ever put down the Rebellion—
With great regard
Your friend
Gerrit Smith
From William F. Smith to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 10, 1863
Collected Works, VI, 129-30). Smith took a leave of absence from the army until June.
Tuesday Morning March 10th 1863
I am so certain that some body has made false & slanderous accusations against me to you that I deem it due to my own reputation to appeal to your well known sense of justice to let me know the nature of the charges against me, & to say to you that if I cannot refute to your entire satisfaction any reports affecting my zeal in the war, my character, or my capacity so far as it has been tried I am willing to leave it optional with yourself to accept my resignation or dismiss me from the service.
I am Sir
Very Respectfully
Your Obt Serv't
Wm F. Smith,
Maj Genl Vols
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Wm F. Smith.
From William R. Strachan to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 10, 1863
House of Rep — Jefferson City
March 10th 1863
Sir
I take the Liberty of Sending you a document, published by two of Govr Gamble's
Very Respectfully Wm R Strachan
From Julian M. Sturtevant to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 10, 1863
Jacksonville, March 10 1863
Private
Dear Sir,
I think I may rely on old acquaintance to secure for these lines an attentive consideration, especially as my bad handwriting has not troubled you much, since you have been in office.
It is now in your power to throw into the scale of the nation's destiny one weight which will give an irresistible and final preponderance to the cause of the Union and Freedom. I believe there is but onemillions of slaves, Put arms in their hands wherewith to defend it, as fast as possible. Three hundred thousand muskets each with a good lusty Negro at its breech, will end the whole thing. There is not a rebel from the arch traitor downwards who does not know, that with three hundred thousand able bodied negroes, well armed and drilled under competent officers, the reduction of the negroes to the condition of articles of merchandise is impossible — the restoration of slavery is impossible: and without negro slavery the Southern confederacy is the “[harmless?] fabric of a vision. With such a colored army it will be necessary to do very little more fighting. Its known existence will be enough.
Do you ask will the North tolerate it? You know well Mrs. J. C. Conkling of Springfield. Last summer she was greatly distressed, lest her Clinton should be drafted, and yet horrified at the thought of arming the negroes to fight their Masters. She said to me one day, “If your son should be drafted what would you do? Let him go to the army, or get a substitute? I said I can tell you what I should wish to do: I should wish to hire a good able bodied negro for his substitute. “There is something in that” said she. The whole North is being waked up by the Conscription Act, to feel the force of that argument put as our excellent friend Mr Conkling did, they are beginning to see that it is 300,000 more of our sons or 300,000 Negroes in their stead, and in spite of all their prejudices they willingly take the negroes and leave us our sons. Especially as to take 300,000 negroes from the plantations of our enemies will strengthen our cause more than to take 600,000 of our sons. Organize, honored Sir, a sable army, as fast as possible. Send at any cost through all rebeldom colored emmissaries to carry the news to every slave-cabin that every able bodied negro coming within our lines will be freed and armed to fight for his ho own liberty and the liberty of his family and his race, and have a musket ready wherever you can get a black man to carry it
Excuse the confidence with which I write. I use this mode of expressing myself, not because I expect to influence you by mere dogmatisms: but because I wish to make myself understood in the fewest possible words. My only object is to suggest my thoughts to your consideration
With a desire for the complete success of your administration in these dark and stormy times, as strong as can spring from the combined influence of love to my country and personal friendship to yourself I remain
Most respectfully and sincerely
Your friend
J. M. Sturtevant
From David Wilmot to Abraham Lincoln, March 10, 1863
Mr President
I have called several times since my appointment but your engagements prevented my seeing you.
I desired to express my thanks for your generous kindness towards me. Indeed Mr President, I am truly and deeply greatful, for so distinguished a mark of your confidence and regard.
I leave for home tomorrow morning; When I shall again return, I hope to have the opportunity in person to speak my greatful & profound acknowledgments
Very respectfully &c
D. Wilmot
Wednesday
March 10th
From Salmon P. Chase to Abraham Lincoln, March 11, 1863
March 11th., 1863
Sir.
I have conferred with the Treasurer of the United States in respect to the appointment of an Assistant Treasurer at Washington.
The Treasurer strongly recommends Standish Barry, whom I believe to be thoroughly competent; and I transmit herewith a nomination of him, for your signature if approved.
With great respect,
Yours Truly,
S P Chase
Secretary of the Treasury
From Maria A. Donnelly to Ward H. Lamon 1, March 11, 1863
United States Marshal's Office
Washington City, D. C.,
Extract of a letter received from Miss Maria A Donnelly of Martinsburgh Virginia by Ward H Lamon, dated March 11th 1863—
“My Sister being unconditionally released, I feel it my duty to communicate some facts which came to her knowledge during imprisonment and also since her release, In doing this I place her life & my own in your hands, — but I believe you love & respect the President and for his sake I will trust you. It will be utter madness to attempt an-other attack upon Fredericksburgh — for since the last battle they have made it perfectly impregnable at all points save one — about twelve miles above, and this point is not thought of by the federal Genls. The Rebels are hoping that Hooker will be insane enough to attempt an advance upon their fortifications — as they are confident they can annihilate his entire army. The story circulated by some of the papers that a large number of Lees troops had been sent to the Southwest is wholly untrue, — and Richmond was never before so safe as at present. The land defences are of the most superior character, and the approach by water is rendered most dangerous by floating batteries, gun boats &c. Three or four weeks since they completed a powerful and formidable iron-clad gun boat superior in all respects to any now afloat It has wilfully been reported a failure — but this is to dupe the blockaders, — and they are now only waiting for an opportunity to steal a march upon our fleet. After getting out it is to play a more important part than was that assigned to the Merimac It has been examined by the most experienced Naval officers and scientific Engineers in the whole South and has been pronounced faultless by all. Should they be unable to get her to sea, — they feel that she will do much mischief should any attempt be made to approach Richmond by water. In fact every possible approach to the city is so strongly fortified and guarded that the residents have not the least fear of its capture, and the only way that it can ever be taken is by surrounding it and starving them out. This is what they fear, more than any thing else. All possible channels of communication between rebels and their sympathizers should be watched and cut off if possible, they boast in Richmond that they are as well posted in relation to the number and position of our troops as the commandants themselves — and there is not a day passes that there does not a mail arrive via Baltimore or the Valley and there is not one small boat to or from Richmond that has not a spy on board, — on the train in which my sister was conveyed to R, Mrs Bob Smart of Hagerstown went down having a large mail. She was passed through our lines by one kind hearted official and was accompanied as far as Winches- by a daughter of C. J. Faulkner of this town. The latter lady returned when she pleased and is now at home with her mother — treated with the greatest consideration by the federal officers now here — a number of whom board with them — and to increase the comfort and security of this double traitorous family, the Post commandant has placed [shvering?] union soldiers to guard their property;— I firmly believe that there does not one week pass — but what the family of Mrs Faulkner receives from and sends dispatches to the Rebel Army. Mrs F remains here simply to protect her property, — and she boasts that on a recent visit to Washington the President & Genl. Halleck both assured her that her property should be protected under all circumstances. You can imagine how very gratifying it must be to our late Minister to have his family and property kindly protected by the government which he is striving so hard to destroy. It is not a mystery to me why our arms are not more successful in Virginia, we can expect no victories while our own officers are the tools and dupes of the aidors & abettors of the rebellion— It is currently reported in Richmond that the late commander of the “Queen of the West” sold himself and steamer to a rich Secession widow. Many other things equally as disgraceful is said of other officers holding equally as important possitions but of course as to the truth of these statements I can say nothing. The Baltimore papers (on the authority of W P Smith of the B & O, R, R,) deny the report that the Rebels are in any force in the Valley— If the authorities in Washington entertain the same opinion, I beg that you will inform them to the contrary. There is not the slightest doubt but there is a large force of Infantry Cavalry and considerable Artillery extending from New Market to Staunton and it is absolutely certain that they intend driving the Yankees from the Valley as soon as the roads are passible. It is the opinion of persons well informed that they will make another raid as far as the B & O R. R. and perhaps farther while our troops remain inactive before Fredericksburg— If it was possible for me to see you I could explain many things which is really unsafe for me to write, and I have already gone far beyond the bounds of prudence besides making my letter unpardonably lengthy— Yet I trust my motive in writing will be a slight apology for this tax upon your time and patience should you desire further information that is in my power to give you. I will if necessary go to you to deliver it. On the approach of the Rebels I shall have to leave home again— And you can have no idea how I dread the possibility of their coming— I shall be exceedingly currious to know if this reaches you safely and will be much indebted to you if you will drop me a line to notify me of the fact Trusting that you will pardon me for annoying you with such a tiresome letter and at the same time assuring you of my sincere desire to serve you in any manner in my power and my country thro' you,
Your obt sevt
Maria A Donnelly
[blank space]
I know the writer of the above to be one of the Shrewdest and most reliable women, I ever met—
Ward H Lamon
From Stephen S. Harding to William H. Seward 1, March 11, 1863
Recd 30. Mar
Executive Department Utah Territory
Great Salt Lake City — March 11 1863,
Sir:
I have the honor to inform you that a petition unanimously signed by Mormon citizens of this Territory, has been forwarded to the President, asking him to remove me, together with the Honorable Charles B Waite and Thomas J Drake
I desire that no unnecessary haste may be taken in the premises; but that we who stand accused of a deriliction of duty, shall not be condemned unheard—
It is known to the President, that our duties are most delicate and difficult: he should also know, that no Federal officers here, can perform his duties faithfully to the government, without incurring the displeasure of Brigham Young: And his displeasure, is that of all his followers— Out side of this, his position is such that he is enabled to exert a most malign influence, on the minds of others, not connected with the Mormon Church — but whose interest it is, to keep on good terms with him; and who are dependent for favours and patronage.
This last consideration, will readily account for certain Gentile names, which doubtless may be found on the petition above referred to. Prominent amongst these, will doubtless appear those of certain agents, and employees of the Overland Mail Company — under the management and control of Mr. Frank Cook who is the Assistant Treasurer of the company stationed here—
His position and standing as the principal agent of a wealthy company, may add importance to his statement, and therefore, it is but right and proper, that the President should be advised as to his motive, and the causes which have superinduced his action in the premises.
In the first place he has never been freindly with me; at least since Brigham Young came to dislike me, the reason however is obvious, the Company which he represents is dependant to a great extent on Brigham Young for Hay and Grain, necessary to run the Mail line in this Territory. Mr Cook in this, is more selfish than patriotic, yet it is the way of the world— One of the Main reasons urged by this gentleman, for the withdrawal of the troops, and for preventing their being reinforced, is, that the Overland Mail Company would have to compete with the Army in procuring supplies, and thereby in his opinion they would loose at least $50.000. per annum— Hence he may expect that all the power and influence of this Corporation, will be brought to bear on the question under consideration, and for no other reason, than by doing so, they retain the good will of Brigham Young— In addition to all this, I am pained and humiliated to have to say, that I have good reasons for believing that certain Federal officers, some of which are engaged in other pursuits, out side of their official duties, and whose sympathy and confidence we ought to possess to the fullest extent, have secretly encouraged the late movement which culminated in the mass meeting on the 3d instant— I can assure the President, that no man can be popular with Brigham Young who holds a Federal office, unless he can be used to advance his own personal ambition— That this has been done in some instances at least, by those who ought to guard the rights of the Government at all hazzard, is obvious to those who have watched events— Hence it is, that complimentary resolutions have been passed by the last Legislature, and the one previous, in favor of a certain gentleman, who upon my removal, or absence, would discharge the duties of Governor. It should be remembered that Secretary Fuller,dentist— He has the reputation of being a good workman and from his own acknowledgements, his business in this capacity, is much much more lucrative, than his salary for official services— He has been fortunate enough to gain the entire confidence and patronage of Brigham Young— How, I will not pretend to say; but it is known here, that in no single instance, has he failed to do what his Mormon friend desired of him. That may possibly account for his paying out the Money of the Federal Government, to the Mormon Legislature against all former precedents here, and without any appropriation Bill having first been passed— Perhaps, that it was for this reason, that he seemed unwilling to give me any aid in having my Message printed, when he found that its suppression was intended if possible here, by Brigham Young— I admit that he sent a copy made by me to the New York Tribune, but his very unwillingness that his agency in the matter should be known certainly did not alay my suspicions— I would not have any thing unpleasant grow out of this Communication, yet it is my duty to make these disclosures—
There is annother reason, and perhaps the gravest of them all, which underlies this movement. It is known that in those parts of the Territory, to which Judges Waite and Drake have been assigned, the most ghastly crimes have been committed, which can be clearly traced to men, of high standing in the Mormon Church. The district of the former, includes the scene of the ever to be remembered “Mountain Meadow Massacre”, where in 1857, one hundred and twenty inocent men women and children, were most cruelly murderd, in cold blood, and their bones left to bleach on the desert sand— In the district of the latter, also, the most agravated murders have been committed up to a recent period, in all which cases, the offenders have thus far escaped punishment — notwithstanding the evidence necessary to insure a conviction is at hand— These facts are widely known here, and the Mormon leaders have been advised that it was our intention to cooperate as far as possible, to bring the offenders to Justice— Hence it is, that the above facts have alarmed the Mormon leaders; and they have left nothing undone, that was in their power to do, to compell us to resign and quit the country, Or if this should fail, then to spare nothing, either in money or fair promises, to set a strong influence against us.
But let me ask, what are the complaints against myself and the proscribed Judges—
1st. I am charged with having insulted the Legislature in delivering my late message—
2d, That we are enemies to our Govment
3d. That we have attempted to bring on a collision between the troops under command of Col. Connor,
4th. That we prepared a Bill in this City, and sent it to Senator Browning, which if adopted, would take away the liberties of the people, and enable me to establish a military despotism—
5. That I have charged these people and their leaders with being disloyal without cause—
Now if these charges are true, the duty of the President is plain— He ought at once to remove us, and fill our places with better and safer men— But before he passes judgment against me, I ask to be heard for a moment,
The 1st charge can be quickly disposed of — the President can read the message which I herewith enclose—
2d. As to this allegation, my conduct must be security against such imprecations; and I leave the President to Judge.
As to the 3d, I simply deny it, as being without the shadow of truth; and I appeal to the Commanding officer, as well as each subordinate and private in the command—
As for the 4th. charge, I respectfully refer the President, to the Bill itself— And as for the 5th, (viz) that I have said that I was sorry to say, that since my sojourn in this territory, I had heard no sentiments expressed, that would lead me to believe that much sympathy was felt for the Govemnt of the United States, is true— And I am sorry to say, that it is not only true in my saying, but in fact—
I believe that the above include all the charges made against us, that a mammoth Petition can be gotten up against me, or in my favor, just as Brigham Young desires, is certain— There is no such thing here, as individual opinion— Brigham sent forth his messengers immediately after the adjournmnt of the mass meeting, to all parts of the city and Territory, with this Command — “Say to the men who refuse to sign the petition, that they will be immediately cut off from the Church” if they refuse— In that single sentence, is contained more terror, to the true Mormon, than any Bull of excommunication ever had in the dark ages, on the mind of its victim— Brigham Young has sent forth his Bishops and Elders, to all parts of the Territory, and to every “Stake of Zion”, to call the people together in mass meetings; and they come “like spirits from the hasty deep”— There it is, that he prints in double leaded capitals, “Voice of the People,” when we all know, that they dare only echo his sentiments and wishes—
Day before yesterday, there was a great commotion in the city caused by a report, that Brigham Young and his two counsellors were to be arrested, for violations of the act of Congress, against Polygamy.— A signal was raised over the top of the Harem, and it was in effect, like a fire bell, with this difference, that instead of rushing into the streets with fire buckets, — each man as he ran held his loaded gun— There had been no such writs to my knowledge at that time; but the “scene” called together at least a thousand armed men, of all nationalities— Since then, I believe, that a writ was issued by Judge Kinny,Brigham he enterd into bonds for his appearance at Court— It amounts simply to this, he was compelled to make “a virtue of his necessity”— It is probable too, that he has been advised to meet the case for the purpose of meeting and testing the question of the constitutionality of the act— But in my opinion, the whole affair is a ruse to induce the Govrmnt to withhold any additional troops that had been intended for this Territory — and to finally, to withdraw those already here— When this is done, the President may be assured, that no man can live securely in this Territory, who has become obnoxious to Brigham Young. I say this, that the President may be “forewarned and forearmed—” Suddenly there is an effort to make the people of the U. S. believe that these people are loyal. I tell the President, that those who attempt this, are intending to practice a deception—
The reason why Brigham Young has not set up an Empire here, is because he dare not— Take away the troops, let the Federal Army meet with some great and decisive disaster, and this man would snap his fingers at the Federal authority — and defy its power.
If Col. Connors', command should be ordered away, I do not believe that annother like force, could get the possession of the same ground, without force and bloodshed.
“On last Sunday at the Tabernacle, Brigham used the following words. “Our late acting Governor, (meaning Secy Fuller) is a gentleman, and minds his own business and lets other peoples' business alone— Have patience people, and he will soon be acting Governor again”.— In speaking of the loyalty of himself and people, he said, “Is there any thing that we would not do to show our loyalty to the Goverment, Yes, if the present administration, should ask us for a thousand men, or even five hundred to go down there, (meaning against the rebels) I would see them damned first, and then they could not have them”
Heber C. Kimball 2d president, said on the same occasion “We can defy the whole Goverment of the United States” — besides many more insulting and traitorous expressions which were loudly responded to—
I can if necessary, procure the affidavits of persons of undoubted honesty — to prove the above, and many more expressions far more traitorous—
I ask your patience in examining the foregoing statements— I deem them important at the present juncture of affairs—
I have the honor to remain your
Obedient Servant
St. S. Harding
From Carl Schurz to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 11, 1863
411 13th Str. Washington
March 11th 1863.
Dear Sir
I arrived here yesterday quite sick, on my way to our old family physician at Philadelphia. I would have taken the liberty of calling upon you, had I been able to go out to-day.
This morning Mr. Sumner
Mr. Sumner tells me also that the Germans expressed to you different opinions on this matter. I know I have enemies among them; I would perhaps have none if I enjoyed the benefit of indifference and obscurity. There are some whose sensitiveness I have hurt; others whom I have refused to recommend for office; and still others who are of an envious disposition, hate everybody that rises above their heads and magnify one to belittle another. But should this quarrelsome spirit have an influence upon the action of this Government? Besides I feel as though I had become something of an American and not altogether dependent upon the endorsement of any class of foreign born people. Nobody will consider this claim on my part presumptuous who remembers, that the votes for Liberty I have made were by no means all German.
But if I wanted the endorsement of a large majority of the Germans, I am positive I can have it at any moment. We might commence by taking the vote of my Army-Corps, and I give you my word for it, three fourth of all the officers and men will give me a vote of confidence to the exclusion of all my competitors.
Pardon me, Sir, I feel almost ashamed of arguing my claims, and I would certainly not do so, did I not feel still more humiliated before the people by being dropped by this Administration, while such men as Dan. Sickles,
I should be happy to speak to you about two or three subjects not connected with this matter, but of some importance. If I were sure that I could see you without being obliged to wait too long, I would, sick as I am be happy to call. Will you be kind enough to let me know[?] I shall go to Philadelphia I think day after to-morrow
Yours most truly
C. Schurz.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Gen. Carl Schurz.
From Franz Sigel to Edwin M. Stanton, March 11, 1863
Green's Hotel, corner 8” & E. Streets
Washington D. C. March 11th 1863
Sir:— I beg leave to state, that, while I exceedingly regret that I have felt compelled to bring my complaints before His Excellency the President, I appreciate his consideration in declining to relieve me, and in so long withholding the acceptance of my resignation, especially as it is my sincere desire to remain in the service of the United States as long as I can be efficient and useful. But for the reasons already submitted to you, and for other reasons not named, I cannot but feel that the interests of the service, and personal considerations, require: either, that I be relieved from my command, or that my resignation be accepted, as my present position and relations in the Army of the Potomac are so unsatisfactory and dispiriting to me, that it would be in the highest degreee unpleasant for me to continue in command of my Corps.
I have the honor to remain
Very Respectfully
Your obedt Servt
F. Sigel
Maj. Gen. U. S. V.
From John P. Usher to Abraham Lincoln, March 11, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 10 P. M Mch 11th 1863,
From Terre Haute Ind
Dated, March 11th 1863.
Has the dispatches of Col Carrington
J. K. Usher
From Edward Wallace to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 11, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 235 P. M Mch 11 1863,
From Philadelphia 233 PM.
Dated, Mch 11 1863.
I will see you tomorrow in regard to our appointments.
Edward Wallace.
From James S. Wadsworth to Abraham Lincoln, March 12, 1863
Hd Qrs 1st Dn 1st Corps
Camp near Belle Plaine
March 12. 1863
Sir
I have the honor to state that on the 27th ulto I forwarded to the Adt General of the Army an application to have my son Lt Chas. J. Wadsworth 116th N. Y. V. now serving in Genl Emorys Dn 19th Army Corps, under the command of Major Genl Banks, be transferred to my staff as A. D. C.
I enclose herewith a communication in which the General in Chief declines to comply with my request.
I beg leave respectfully Mr President to transmit this application to you, and to ask your favorable consideration thereof.
My son was educated at the School of Mines in Paris & is well qualified to serve as Topographical Engineer. I often have occasion for the services of such an officer, and have none in my Dn.— It is not therefore merely as a personal matter that I make this application— Both the other comd officers of his Company were present for duty at the last advices from him, and in my judgment he can render more valuable services on my staff than in his Regt
I am Sir
with great respect
Yr. obt. svt.
Jas. S. Wadsworth
Brig Genl Comg
From Daniel Clark to Abraham Lincoln, March 13, 1863
Manchester N. H.
March 13th 1863,
My dear Mr President,
Our election is past— The enclosed slip will tell you the result—
We are victorious — but with the loss of one Congressman, who ran about 200 votes behind his ticket—
We had a “Joe Hooker” fight— Scarcely a democrat supported the administration— In this city almost every one, who had heretofore avowed himself for the Union and the country, “turned in” for peace & party—
They were very bitter— They appealed to the cowardice and fears of their followers, thro' the conscription act — to their parsimony & niggardliness thro' the tax law — and to their despondency thro' the want of victories—
Yet we have beaten them— They have retired from the field— The House of Representatives & Senate in Convention will choose a Republican Governor, & Frank Pierce
The 2d N. H. Regt did us great good— The soldiers will not tolerate a copperhead—
Yours truly—
Danl Clark
From Ira Harris to Abraham Lincoln, March 13, 1863
Senate Chamber
March 13. 1863
My dear Sir
I desire respectfully to call your attention to the case of my friend George T. Pierce— You will recollect that I asked that he might be appointed Secretary of the new Territory of Arizona— Mr McCormick was also a candidate— Willing to promote harmony I called to see Mr Newton
I ought to add that Mr Newton qualified his assent to the arrangement by saying he would make the appointment if it met with the approbation of the President— Shortly afterwards I saw you and you very kindly and promptly expressed your approbation of the arrangement and offered to give me a note to Mr Newton to that effect— I declined giving you that trouble and told you Mr Newton would see you personally— I beg of you now to use your influence, if necessary, to have Mr Pierce appointed— He left here with the confident expectation that he would be re-called and I am unwilling to have him disappointed—
Official Register lists Richard McCormick as secretary of the Arizona Territory. Pierce is not listed as an employee of the Agriculture Department.
Yours with esteem
Ira Harris
[Endorsed by Edwin D. Morgan:]
There are numerous reasons why George T. Pierce should have the appointment, and I earnestly recommend it
E. D. Morgan
March 13. 1863
From James H. Lane to Abraham Lincoln, March 13, 1863
Senate Chamber
March 13. 1863
Sir
Brig Genl Mitchells
Please send Col Ewings
Yours truly
J H. Lane
From William H. Seward to Abraham Lincoln, March 13, 1863
Washington, March 13th 1863
My dear President,
Mr Darling and the gentlemen who accompany him are a Committee from New York, who desire to speak with you in regard to public business. Will you grant them an interview.
Yours very truly
William H. Seward
by F. W. Seward
From John Boyle to John P. Usher, March 14, 1863
Frankfort — Ky. March 14th 1863
Dear Sir,
The crisis I anticipated in our conversation last December, is fast approaching. You who are in power at Washington, dealing with National subjects, may possibly overlook, or disregard the rising murmers in this portion of our Republic. Kentucky is so unfortunate, at present, as to have no representative in Washington who can command at once, the confidence of the Administration, and the respect of his fellow citizens. It then becomes the patriotic duty of those whose locality or position enables them to learn matters of grave importance to the whole country, to place such information where it may be used.
For that purpose I write this private letter to you. The public mind in Kentucky has not yet advanced so far as to permit the enrolling of her slaves with impunity. The draft itself, of negroes — as I told you, in our conversation, will never be enforced in Kentucky except at the point of the bayonet, and in immediate and violent opposition to the whole moral and physical force of the State. Seventy five thousand men in defence of their supposed or actual rights, will arm in the effort to keep a miserable few hundreds of slaves from being taken away. I will not repeat the arguments about the right of the Government to enrol slaves — that they are not of the Militia of the State — that the attempt to draft them is an indirect and unmanly effort to abolish slavery, which, if executed, will render the entire mass of negroes not only useless but a burden to their owners. All this you have heard.
But I, as a private individual, wish you to believe that war is inevitable, if this attempt proceeds. It is unnecessary for me to assure you that I am anti-slavery in my views — or that I endorse as much of Mr Lincoln's course — perhaps, as you — yourself, do. But I regret that course, which, if not discontinued, will array Kentucky, under the Constitution and flag, in direct and forcible opposition to the Administration.
From the Union, Kentucky cannot be driven. On the Government she relies for protection and support, in common with her loyal sister States. But against any attempt to defraud her of her guarantied rights, whether it comes under the guise of a rebel or a radical cover, she will defend herself with all the means at her disposal. If such, unfortunately should be the case, what, may we not imagine would be the legitimate and direct results?
Would not all the malcontents, and enemies of the Administration throughout the North applaud and assist her? Would not the rebels, many of whom are among us, become emboldened and inspirited? Would not only the success, but the safety of our armies at the front be jeopardized? Would it not be safe to predict that France would take advantage of our augmented troubles, to recognize the independence of the Confederacy?
I fear the Administration has been misled as to the feelings of Kentucky, by the course of a portion of her Congressional delegation and by the fact of a meeting of abolitionists in Louisville. That meeting could not have been held in the interior of the State, nor even in Louisville, had it not been a Military Post. The portion of her Congressional delegation, who vote with the Republicans, met my approval, and that of many others here, in the early part of their course, but not one of them could visit, unattended, every county in his Congressional District. These are not exponents of public feeling in the State.
The most popular man, and perhaps the ablest Statesman in Kentucky, whose views would suit the moderate Republicans, precisely, has declared emphatically against the legality, and, propriety of this attempt to regard slaves as part of our military force. The people will more than sustain him.
A contrary course on the part of the Administration would have united its friends here, and enabled them to carry the State in the Presidential race. I hope it is not too late to return to moderation.
I have taken the liberty to write thus to you, to whom, I am known, trusting you will believe the warning, and from your position and influence be able to avert such calamities. I write unofficially and unadvisedly, but you may rely on the accuracy of my statements. As an unconditional Union man, I fear this threatening trouble, as much as the rebellion itself. This is a private letter, but its statements and subject matter, may be used if you deem it proper.
Truly your obt. Serv't.
John Boyle
From John Pierpont to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 14, 1863
14 March 1863
Honored Sir—
Rev. Henry Cowles, the writer of the enclosed letter,seems to be an impassable barrier,. I see his face not so often as I do yours, and I feel that I cannot approach him. Besides, till better advised, the subject of the letter seems to me not to fall within his special province. It is probably too true that the writer well understands the feelings of most of those in high command in the Union Army towards those who, the world expects, are to be benefitted by the Proclamation of 1 Jan. 1863.—
The importance of the subject forbids me to retain the enclosed in my hands. Had the Reverend writer known my present position as well as he may have known my past, he would undoubtedly have given it a higher direction than to
Yours most respectfully
Jno Pierpont
From William Silvey to Abraham Lincoln, March 14, 1863
Alexandria Va. Govr. Office 11 King St
March 14th 1863.
Respected Sir
I have been for the last year past employed under orders of War Department in taking care of the so called Confederate States and abandoned Rebel property and taking care of U S property not in the hands of its authorized Agents. I would therefore respectfully ask for an appointment from you under the recent law passed by Congress to collect captured and abandoned property in the Insurrectionary States as you kindly gave me a memorandum in the early part of last year directing me when such a bill passed to send it to you by Honble Senator Wade
Yours Very Respectfully
Willaim Silvey
From John A. McClernand to Abraham Lincoln, March 15, 1863
Head Quarters. 13th A. C.
Milliken's Bend. March 15th 1863.
Permit to present to you Capt Kountz an honest and riliable gentleman— I would add more but he must embark.
Your obt servt.
John A McClernand
over
on the 13th of March 1863 Genl Grant I am informed was Gloriously drunk and in bed sick all next day If you are averse to drunken Genls I can furnish the name of officers of high standing to substantiate the above
Your obt Servt
W J Kountz
Pittsburgh Pa
From John P. Usher to Abraham Lincoln, March 15, 1863
Terre Haute Inda
March 15. 1863.
Sir:
Some excitement has been created here by the arrest of Constable.with treacherously. I cannot imagine any reason that should induce you to extend any clemency to the young man Brown under sentence here, I have no doubt that an earnest appeal will be made to you in his behalf, but if there is any one to be punished, it appears to me that he is a proper subject:
Among our friends, great complaint has been made of Mr Smith because of the leniency with which he dealt with the Morgan County insurgents, you remember that they appeared in Arms to resist the arrest of deserters. Seven were convicted and Mr Smith assigned the lowest penalty, a fine of $500. each— Our friends thought he should have sent them to the Penetintiary for two years. Mr Smith is very conservative, he told me yesterday that he thought the administration would get along much better if it was not so radical, Morton
I hope to reach Washington this week—
With sentiments of regard
I am very respectfully
Your obt servt
J P. Usher
From Isaac J. Wistar to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 15, 1863
Philad March 15th 1863
Sir.
I beg to express my most sincere and grateful acknowledgments for your favorable recognition, in nominating me a Brigadier General of Volunteers.
On the eve of my confirmation, calumnious charges against me were circulated by certain cashiered officers of my late regiment, which upon a hearing before the Senate Military Committee, I refuted to their entire satisfaction, and was confirmed without opposition.
I beg to assure you Sir, not only of my gratitude, but of my loyal devotion to the legitimate Government of our common country, irrespective of all parties, and my earnest, cordial and zealous cooperation in all military expedients which your wisdom may devise, for the expeditious attainment of the great and holy object, which is equally near my heart and yours.
I have the honor to subscribe myself your grateful and obedient servant
Isaac J. Wistar
Abraham Lincoln, Memorandum on Henry Stevens 1, March 16, 1863
March 16. 1863
To-day Mr. Whaley
From Abraham C. Corder to Abraham Lincoln, March 16, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 540 PM. Mch 16 1863,
From Memphis
Dated, Mch 16. 1863.
Your dispatch of Decr 18th recd states “not yet.” am now ready to go to work
Collected Works, VI, 7.
Please answer
A. C. Corder
1st Battalion 7th
Ills. Cavy
Wagon master
From Charles G. Thomas to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 16, 1863
Sanfrancisco March 16th 1863
Dear Sir
Waveing all formality I take the liberty of writing you upon a matter of very considerable importance to the loyal men of this coast— I do not write unadvised of the fact that seeming unimportant letters never reach you personally but stop in the hands of your Secretary— But takeing this chance I deem the occasion of importance Sufficient to attempt a hearing at your hands fully believing should you receive my statement you will from what you have formerly known of me give it a careful consideration
We as a party have been exceedingly unfortunate in some of the appointments made to important Federal offices in this State— Some of those who were honest (which certainly is not the case with all) are are men of entirely to small a caliber to do anything to build up the right or in any wise to give an intelligent support to the Government— Reports now are that some changes are to be which reports I cannot but hope are true—
But in makeing such changes it is more important now than at first that other damageing appointments should not be made—
I made the acquaintance of Mr Brown
I have no hessitency in saying Mr Rankin is unfit for the place but Mr Cheesman is immeasurably more so— I write you in the interest of no one I have no candidate for place and have not and do not intend asking any appointment for either myself or special friends But am exceeding anxious the union party of which I profess to be an active member at least shall receive no further damage from unfortunate appointments—
Now my dear Sir without laying asside the dignity of your possition you can I think give a respectful hearing to one who in Illinois when the contest was between Whig & Democrat has certainly done something in the party of which we were both members to entitle him to some consideration at your hands—
I have no other consideration aim in what I have written than to further the interest and secure the best good of the Administration and the country it is endavouring to Save — which God grant may be Speedily done
Yours Respy
Charles G. Thomas
From Abel C. Wilder to Abraham Lincoln and Edwin M. Stanton [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 16, 1863
Washington D C March 16th 1863
Sir.
For the purpose of carying out at an early day the Act of Congress for the removal of the several Indian Tribes from Kansas to the Indian Territory South — which involves the making of Treaties with the Southern Tribes and clearing said Territory of Rebel forces and to insure success I respectfully recomend and request that Hon J H Lane my colligue be appointed Military Governor of said Indian Territory
Said appointment would secure important results to the Country.
Very Respectfully.
A. C. Wilder
M. C.
[Endorsed by Benjamin F. Wade:]
I fully concur in what Senator Lane proposes, and sincerely hope it may meet the approbation of the President and Secretary of War
B. F. Wade
Chmn of Com of Teritories
[Endorsed by Morton S. Wilkinson:]
M. S. Wilkinson
Member of Comm on Indian affairs & Territories
[Endorsed by Zachariah Chandler:]
Z Chandler
Chm Committee on Commerce
[Endorsed by William P. Dole:]
I fully concur in what is said in the within and do sincerely hope that Genl Lane may be appointed. I believe the Genls influence with the tribes in the Indian Territory will go far to put an end to all our troubles with them—
Wm P. Dole
Comr Ind Affs
[Endorsed by James R. Doolittle:]
I concur
J. R. Doolittle
Chairman Com
on Indian Affairs
[Endorsed by Henry Wilson:]
H. Wilson
Chairman
of Miltary.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
J. H. Lane, — for Military Govr. of Indian Country.
From Abraham Lincoln to William S. Rosecrans [Draft] 1, March 17, 1863
Executive Mansion,
Washington, March 17, 1863.
My dear Sir,
I have just received your telegram saying that “The Secy of War telegraphed after the battle of Stone River” “Anything you & your command want, you can have,” and then specifying several things you have requested, and have not received.
The promise of the Secretary, as you state it, is certainly pretty broad; nevertheless it accords with the feeling of the whole government here towards you. I know not a single enemy of yours here. Still the promise must have a reasonable construction. We know you will not purposely make an unreasonable request; nor persistantly in one after it shall appear to be such.
Now, as to the matter of a Pay-Master— You desired one to be permanently attached to your Army, and, as I understand, desired that Major Larned
And as to Gen. Andrews, I have, in another connection, felt a little agrieved, at what seemed to me, his implicit following the advice and suggestions of Major Larned — so ready are we all to cry out, and ascribe motives, when our own toes are pinched.
Now, as to your request that your Commission should date from December 1861. Of course you expected to gain something by this; but you should remember that precisely so much as you should gain by it others would lose by it— If the thing you sought had been exclusively ours, we would have given it cheerfully; but being the right of other men, we having a merely arbitrary power over, it the givi taking it from them and giving it to you, became a more delicate matter, and more deserving of consideration. Truth to speak, I do do not appreciate this matter of rank on paper, as you officers do— The world will not forget that you fought the battle of “Stone River” and it will never care a fig whether you rank Gen. Grant on paper, or he so, ranks you.
As to the appointment of an aid contrary to your wishes, I knew nothing of it until I received your despatch; and the Secretary of War tells me he has known nothing of it, but will trace it out. The examination of course will extend to the case of R. S. Thoms,
And now be assured, you wrong both yourself and us, when you even suspect there is not the best disposition on the part of us all here to oblige you.
Yours very truly
A. Lincoln
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
To. Gen. Rosecrans.
March 17. 1863.
From James R. Doolittle to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 17, 1863
Washn March 17th 1863.
To the President,
The grounds for the removal of the present incumbent of the Post Office at Milwaukee are
1st The town is filled with citizens of foreign birth, and the present incumbent having been the Chief of the Know Nothing party the large & growing republican influence among the foreign born citizens Germans and others has been and continues to be greatly diminished by his appointment.
2nd
He assumes very much to lead the republican cause in the county of Milwaukee, is unwise in his management deped depending mainly upon finesse and strategy, which overreaches itself, instead of relying on the bold and manly and constant avowal of the great principles of the Republican Party.
3.
In the late senatorial election in Wisconsin, while professedly favoring the election to the Senate of John F Pottered the Republican party, and to bring in a third candidate over both Judge Potter and Senator Doolittle
4th
That as Postmaster at Milwaukee he corresponded with and endeavored to organize the Postmasters in Wisconsin to form an understanding to defeat both Senator Doolittle and Judge Potter for the Senate.
5th. As an individual he had a right to his preferences. But holding a high office in that State, for which he was mainly indebted to Judge Potter, he had no right by intrigue and indirection to push forward the name of Judge Potter, not to elect him but to bring forward some third man, thus at once betraying a friend; and using his official influence improperly to defeat another
I ask his removal for the above reasons among others, and take upon myself the responsibility of saying that it should be done. immediately
I recommend C. Latham Sholes of Milwaukee to be appointed in his place.
He is a man of truth and honor and character in our state.
He is modest & unpretending, and highly deserving
Respectfully
Yours
J. R. Doolittle
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
I agree to this when P. M. G. sends me the papers.
From William S. Rosecrans to Abraham Lincoln, March 16, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 1. A.M Mar 17th 1863,
From Murfreesboro 9. P. M.
Dated, Mar 16th 1863.
The Secy of War telegraphed after the battle of Stone River:—
“Anything you & your command want you can have.” I asked that Paymaster like other staff officers should serve with the others in the field, it was not granted. I then asked as a personal favor that my commission should date from Dec 1861. It was not granted. I then asked that Major Larned
W S Rosecrans
From Franz Sigel to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 17, 1863
Washington D. C. March 17th 1863
Sir,—
I have the honor to submit for your consideration the following suggestions respecting the organization of a Staff under your own supervision and direction.
My first design was to prepare a few articles on this subject for publication, but I concluded it would be preferable to lay some of my views directly before you, and especially as I had before submitted some suggestions on this subject to your through General Schurz.
I The organization of a Staff under the immediate orders of the President, and subject to his authority only, has been a matter of grave consideration to all those who have been taught by the experience of the last two years, that neither a General-in-Chief, nor a Council of War, can meet the expectations of the people, who, according to the highest military authorities, must be respected in the organization and movements of armies.
The creation of a General-in-Chief deprives the President of the highest military power committed alone to him by the Constitution, without releasing him from the responsibilities of the mishaps and misfortunes of the war.
By virtue of his office the General-in-Chief can control all the operations of the army, and may regard any proposition or plan, from any source, even from the President, as an improper interference with his business. The Secy of War has no authority over him, neither has he the power to direct the Secy. Their offices are coordinate, and wherever a unity of action is necessary, it can only be achieved, it seems to me, by the mutual consent and arbitrary wish of both officers, and not by force of any existing law, except that which gives to the President the power to decide all dubious questions.
It is difficult for any one to ascertain where the supreme military power of the government rests, whether in the Secy of War, the General-in-Chief, or in the President.
I am confident that to the officers, soldiers, and citizens, the highest military authority of the United States appears to present the anomoly of a tripartite.
That this state of things must be detrimental, if not ruinous, to the best interests of the country, needs no explanations
If we had a General trained to war from youth — a patriotic and highminded man — a man of action as well as of theory, who possessed the confidence of the army and people, and who was equally adapted to throw himself into the midst of deadly contest as to direct the movements of armies by the flashes of the telegraph, — if we had such a man, it would undoubtedly be well to entrust to him the most delicate and responsible powers of the government; but as we cannot so easily find a Napoleon who at the same time possesses the virtues of Washington, we should resort to other means to bring unity to the Head of our military affairs, so that the operations of our armies may be in concert and harmony.
II Serious objections may also be urged against a Council of War without any executive power; but it is sufficient to say, that such a Collegium of mere counsellors can never accomplish anything of importance, as was demonstrated by the failure of the Collegium of William III, and of the Aularian Council of the Emperor of Austria.
III The organization of a personal Staff of the President has not yet been tried, although it has often been proposed and recommended by military men of experience, by our most patriotic publicists, and by the usage of the most powerful nations of Europe.
Such a Staff would present the following, among other advantages:
1 It would conform to the spirit of the Constitution, which constitutes the President the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States.
2 It would return to the President the whole power as well as responsibility, in military operations & in the administration of the Army
3 It would bring the President into direct communication with the Army & Navy, who have confidence in his good will, his justice, his impartiality and his honesty, and would at the same time relieve him from the details of both branches of the service.
4 It would enable the President to take the initiative in all new and great measures, and would afford him the opportunity to influence the Army constantly by his orders, by recognizing valorous and successful actions, and by bestowing rewards to the brave & censure to the negligent and cowardly.
5 It would do away with the anomoly of three highest executive powers in our military organization, and would give to the President the means to influence directly & constantly the War Dept. and the different Bureaus connected with it, which can only be done successfully by the officers of his Staff, well acquainted with military routine and the wants and wishes of the Army.
6 It would enable him to gain the best and most complete intelligence of the movements of his own army and of the enemy — of the strength and condition of the armies in the field — of the actions and progress of Commanders, of their relative worth and value, and of their claims for promotion and reward. This would increase his interest in the war, so necessary in the highest functionary of the nation, and it would increase his political influence and power, by securing to him more fully the sympathy and love of every officer and soldier in the field.
7 It would enable the President to organize the different Corps of the Army as contemplated by act of Congress, & distribute the forces according to tactical and strategic principles, and appoint officers with regard to their rank, experience & ability.
8 It will facilitate the Execution of the Conscription law, which, it seems to me, cannot be well executed in the North any more than in the South, except by the President, assisted by an impartial and well selected Staff, who will bring the people anew to the support of the armies now in the field, and distribute the new levies in such a manner as to satisfy them. By judicious management many of the soldiers whose term has expired can be induced to reenlist, and the conscription can be enforced without conflict — especially as this Staff can be made to represent all classes and political relations of the people.
9 It would enable the President, during the session of Congress, more fully and intimately with the different military committees and members of Congress, while, during the adjournment, the Staff would be a substitute for those Committees and members, and a necessary assistance to the President.
10 A complete Staff will be a benefit to all the Commanders in the field, not one of whom has full confidence in himself, and in his fortune, unless he is sure that he is sustained by an impartial, intelligent & vigilent authority, well posted and well inclined towards him, and who will help him at the right time.
11 It would give the President the oppertunity to occupy, temporarily at least, such Generals and other officers as may not be in active service in the field, and also to assemble around him men from civil life, who are renowned for their technical knowledge, their improvements in ordnance & ship building — such as Wiard, Vanderbilt,
12 The President can always, without offence, change the personel of his Staff — increase or decrease its members according to circumstances — & select for its Chief an officer of a higher or lower grade, without regard to Seniority.
I beg leave to add that I have prepared an outline of the construction of such a Staff, which I will submit to you, if you desire it.
I have the honor to remain
Very Respectfully
Your most obedt Servt
F. Sigel
Maj. Gen. U. S. V.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Personal Staff
Gen. Siegel
Springfield Illinois Union League, Resolution [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 17, 1863
At a regular meeting of the Springfield Council of the Union League of America held at their Council Room in the City of Springfield Illinois on Tuesday evening March 17th A. D. 1863. the following preamble and resolution were adopted
Whereas, The Collector of U. S. Revenue for the 8th Congressional District of the State of Illinois
Therefore be it Resolved that we the members of the Union League in the City of Springfield, most respectfully but solemnly protest against the appointment of said Collector and request the President of the United States to remove him from said office
S. H. Melvin
President
Geo. P. Bowen Secretary.
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
Turner R. King
From Nashville Tennessee Telegraph Office to War Department, March 17, 1863
Washington, D. C., Mch 17. 1863.
Nashville Tenn Mch 17. 1863.
War Department Office
Last part of telegram to the Prest. should read thus,
“I hate injustice & regret that it seems a duty that I owe to the Government, to lay these facts before you, asking that from the Chief himself, which for some reasons seems not elsewhere to be accorded me.”
Nashville Office
Above refers to Gen. Rosecrans' telegram of last night.
From Isachar Zacharie to Abraham Lincoln, March 17, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 1.15 PM. 17th March 1863,
From New York
Dated, March 17th 1863.
Arrived here last night. Am quite unwell. Will have the honor of seeing you in day or two
I. Zacharie
M.d.
From Abraham Lincoln to Henry Winter Davis [Draft] 1, March 18, 1863
q .v.) that this note would “greatly aid us in bringing our friend to a conclusion such as the interests of the country require.” Unfortunately, the identity of “our friend” in whose behalf Lincoln writes here is not known.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, March 18, 1863.
My dear Sir:
There will be, in the new House of Representatives, as there were in the old, some members openly opposing the war, some supporting it unconditionally, and some supporting it with “buts” and “ifs” and “ands”— They will divide into parties on the organization of the House — on the election of a Speaker— As you ask my opinion, I give it, that the supporters of the war should send no man to Congress who will not pledge himself to go into caucus with the unconditional supporters of the war, and to abide by, the action of such caucus, and vote for the person therein nominated, for Speaker. Let the friends of the government, first save the government, and then administer it to their own liking.
Yours truly
A. Lincoln.
P. S. This is not for publication, but to prevent misunderstanding of what I verbally said to you yesterday
A. L.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
To Hon. H. W. Davis.
March 18. 1863,
From Samuel R. Curtis to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 18, 1863
St. Louis, Mar 18 1863.
I have just received an order relieving me from this command.—
This may give me time to vindicate my honor against imputations made against me at Head Quarters and which were referred to in your letter of 6th November last.
I have not received any response to my letter and have received no copy of the reports which had been made against me. I have however heard that ex parte testimony and statements have been going on and I have reason to suppose they are on the files of the War Department.
I again respectfully ask that I may have copies furnished me and also that I may have an opertunity to explain or refute any and all imputations that have thus for six months been held and accumulating against me.
I am so sensible Mr President of the humiliation involved in my turning from the foe to take care of myself, that I assure you I should not take up the matter if I did not perceive that my opertunity to serve my country is at present suspended
If therefore such papers have not been sent for investigation by my Peers I respectfully ask that they may be: or that I may be allowed to go to Washington and place counter statements or testimony against such imputations against my honor.—
Again assuring you of my devotion to our cause, and fully sensible of the dangers surrounding me in a conflict which inspires the hatred of open and concealed enemies: I shall not shrink from the utmost scrutiny and remain Sir
Very respectfully & truly
Your Ob't Ser't
S. R. Curtis
Maj Genl
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Gen. Curtis—
March 18, 1863.
From Thomas L. Kane to Abraham Lincoln, Hd. Qrs. 2d. Brig. 1st. Div. 12th. A. C, March 18, 1863
near Stafford Va. March 18. 1863
My dear Sir:
I was invited, and refused, to make a profession of political sentiments while my name was before the Senate. Now that I am confirmed, it is perhaps my duty to address you. Had I been rejected, it was my intention to speak to the people of my State; but I am opposed on principle to voting or speech making by men who have subscribed and are bound by the Articles of War.
The patriotism of my Brigade can be relied on. My men generally are incensed against the enemy at home. The sentiment of this Army is decidedly in favor of your making the new drafts without loss of time. I would advise you to enforce the Law first in the great cities, N. Y., Philada, Baltimore — and make your examples there. The remnant of my old Bucktails would like no other duty in the world as well as making soldiers out of the traitors of Baltimore. My Pennsylvania name is at your service any where.
With great respect
Your obedient servant
Thomas L. Kane,
Brig. Genl. U. S. V.
From Silas Noble to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 18, 1863
Washington D C
March 18. 1863
Sir
If you will revoke the order dismissing me from the service I will go to the Regt settle up my business & resign
I must go there to settle my accts & get my horses & other things I left there— I will feel much obliged if you will do so—
Respectfully
Yours
S. Noble
From Charles Sumner to Abraham Lincoln, March 18, 1863
212 F St.
18th March ‘63
My dear Sir,
I send you two slips from important papers — both strongly against Letters of Marque.
I hope you will let me again most earnestly entreat you to abandon the idea. If it did not seem to me essentially injurious to our best interests I should not occupy your time against it.
Here are my reasons;
(1) It is not practical. It is not the agency best calculated to do the required work.
(2) It may possibly involve us with Foreign Nations.
(3) It is counter to the opinions & aspirations of the best men in our history.
(4) It is condemned by the civilization of the age.
(5) It will give us a bad name.
(6) It will do this — without any corresponding good.
(7) It will constitute a precedent which we shall regret hereafter & the friends of Human Progress will regret every where.
(8) It will pain our best friends in Europe.
The rules regulating Letters of Marque, which it is proposed to issue, will be a monument of an effort which I believe will fail, but which will leave a stigma upon our country.
I am proud of my country & wish it to be successful & glorious; but Letters of Marque can do nothing for us now. They cannot save any thing. There is no economy in them, but waste.
Ever sincerely yours,
Charles Sumner
From Henry B. Carrington to Abraham Lincoln and Edwin M. Stanton, March 19, 1863
Indianapolis, Ind. 19th March 1863.
Memorandum of condition of Public Affairs in Indiana, to be submitted to the President, and Honorable Secty of War,
I submit facts that are within my personal knowledge, indicative of the sentiment and purposes that underlie domestic treason in Indiana.
1. Origin and Progress.
About the time of the draft, the Knights of the Golden Circle organized to break up the army, I have abundant affidavits and adequate proof, I advised the Hon Secy of War as well as the President, in personal communications. Their success was considerable, until the arrest and Conviction of John O. Brown, now under sentence of death; but suspended at my request that he may be used as a witness before the U S. District Court in May next.
The oaths embodied 1st To secure the desertion of soldiers with their arms, and the protection of said deserters.
2nd Resistance to further drafts and interference with enlistments
3d To stop this war.
Signs, grips and passwords were devised and sentinels posted, at each meeting, to warn of the approach of any not members. In December the organization assumed new form and significance. The signs, grips and passwords were changed. The obligations became more directly treasonable and the organization assumed military form and purpose. To illustrate,
1. The signs included battle signals, for Infantry and Cavalry: upon giving which, a soldier would be treated as a friend by the rebel foe: also, five pointed copper stars, to be wornbreast, to be disclosed upon opening the coat before an enemy if made a prisoner; or if this state should be visited by confederates, Others, of german silver, are hung in small frames to protect houses in which they belong.
2. The oath included resistance to confiscation of the goods of the fraternity, either North, or south; provided night and day signals, upon which, the order should rally to the defence of a brother member, and made pledge of mutual support, significant, by extreme penalties in case of disclousure of the nature of the order.
The following is the form of oath prescribed for the second degree, and is the same in a large number of counties from which copies have been procured and is undoubtedly general in its use
“Do you beleive this to be the word of God?
(Hand on the Bible)
“Do you beleive that the present war now being waged against us to be unconstitutional? Then, receive the obligation.
“I ___ ___ do solemnly swear in the presence of Almighty God, that I will support the constitution of the United States, and the state in which I reside, and keep it holy and unravelled,
“I further promise and swear that I will go to the aid of all good and loyal Democrats, and oppose the confiscation of their property either north or south and I further promise and swear that I will suffer my body severed in four parts — one part east, out of the east gate, one part at the west gate, one part at the north gate, one part at the south gate, before I will suffer the privileges bequeathed to us by our forefathers blotted out or trampled under foot forever.
“I further promise and swear that I will go to the aid from the first to the fourth signal of all loyal Democrats either north or south.
“I further promise and swear that I will not reveal any of the secret signs, passwords or grips, to anyone not legally authorized by this order — binding myself under no less penalty than having my bowels torn out and cast to the four winds of Heaven — so help me God.
“I promise and swear that I will do all in my power to bring all loyal Democrats in this Circle of Hosts.
“I further promise and swear that I will do all in my power against the present Yankee abolition Disunion Administration, so help me God.
3, The order has enjoined upon its members, thorough arming. The extent of this may be derived from the fact that in February and March alone nearly 30.000 arms, revolvers &c have entered Indiana, as derived from invoices of sales and undoubtedly thousands more have been brought from the East of which I have no knowledge. On the day the sale of arms was prohibited at Indianapolis, nearly 1000 revolvers were contracted for, and the trade could not supply the demand. Two small establishments at LaFayette had each 60 kegs of Powder, which at other times would last for years. Sixteen boxes came from Lexington Ky, under disguise of household goods. one box from Cincinnati, was marked “Pick axes”, another “Hard Ware”, another “Nails”. These are instances which daily occurred until decided action was adopted.
4. The country lodges drill in the steps, and facings, and, with such muskets, or rifles as they have, practice the manual.
5. The subjects of discussion are, the despotism of the government — the preponderating power of New England in proportion to its size — the restoration of the Democratic party and overthrow of the present administration, by force, if it must be— “The restoration of the south or a union with it, would give them again control of senate and the power—” Systematic falsifications of the purposes and acts of the government is made use of to prejudice and exasperate the people, and portions of the press, so thinly disguise their treason as to make whatever they do say, for appearances sake only more destructive to the morals of the public
6. Their connection with southern traitors is to be noted. It is claimed in their lodges, that they have the co-operation of the fraternity in Kentucky, Tennessee &c, that on the next raid of Morgan,
Besides this, some of the prisoners of war now here, have the same views as to the intent of these domestic traitors — have the same signs grips, watchwords and the same battle signals.
2 Present Condition of the Organization.
This has been incidentally adverted to. Additional facts are given to illustrate its practical workings and extent.
Not long since over two hundred mounted men, many of them armed, rode into Franklin, Johnson County, and openly cheered for Jeff Davis, denounced their own government, and declared their desire for immediate peace, under the supremacy of Davis, as a substitute for Mr Lincoln.
On the 18th instant in Putnam County, a procession openly resolved that they were ready to renounce the United States — cheered for Jeff. Davis, and were cheered in turn
On Thursday last a sergeant and six men who went to Raleigh, Rush County, to arrest deserters, whom a party of two could not secure, were driven away, and within two hours after an alarm signal, about two hundred mounted men gathered armed with rifles, shot guns and revolvers, and compelled the detail to return. (I sent a special train with 100 men the same night and arrested the deserters however, and shall turn the ring leaders over to the U S. Court.
In the Morgan County cases the leaders of the party who attacked the cavalry detachment were proven to be Knights of the Golden Circle.
At Brown County last week a committee of them drove out a union democrat, threatening the penalty of death upon him for having left the Knights.
Two cases have happened in this city, where the lives of men suspected of turning informers were in danger— One gave notice where he was and he was arrested by me (pro-forma) and his assailant was confined for trial being a soldier.
Another was kept confined one night by nine men, and escaped by cunning.
Several companies have been nearly ruined by them— I am investigating a case, where I do not believe there are 20 loyal men in the Company.
The foregoing are instances of the boldness of the order, which could be multiplied.
In the central lodge at this City, the members of order were reported at 92.000 between 16 and 70 years of age. This was then extravagant; but there must be nearly or quite that number now, as they are known to have lodges in nearly every county, I think all but seven, and daily assume greater boldness.
That a large number of the common classes in some of the rural districts, who are members of the order, watch for for some armed overthrow of the administration is certain. The number of good and true citizens who report, and the concurrent statements of detectives, prove this.
The ostensible leaders here, are not the leaders of the Democratic party: but I mention a few facts to shew how confident the leading men are of the power of the order.
At suggestion of Govr Morton, I invited the state officials, and leading men of both parties to a conference as to public affairs. They agree to address the democracy in a manner that shall check this discontent. It remains to be seen whether it will be done,
Hon T. A. Hendricks, U S. Senator, assured me “that the majority of the people of Indiana, were desperate under the despotism of the government, and no one could tell how long it would be endured”
Dr. Athen Secy of State, says that “in visiting Southern Indiana, every man in many counties is armed to the teeth” and asking, “how long is this to endure”.
The people have been grossly and wickedly deceived by this order, until they beleive the most infamous lies as to the government and its designs.
Plans have been carefully discussed in the lodges, respecting seizure of the arsenal, the railroad and the telegraph: and especially have several lodges made it obligatory upon the members to protect deserters and resist the conscription.
They are promised arms from Kentucky, and really beleive they are to have them, absurd as it may seem.
To meet these dangerous tendencies I have followed up every resistance to arrests by use of force, and perfecting the arrest without delay.
Seven of the Morgan County men were convicted,
Lawyers of this city refused to testify before the Grand Jury on the plea that it would criminate themselves, and subject them to indictment for treason.
I shall use the accumulated evidence before the Grand Jury that meets to day, with view to indict these lawyers and a considerable number of leaders from various counties, hoping for a good effect from the same,
The fact is that the order has grown faster than the party leaders wished, and has assumed a shape and bitterness that may not be controled if it breaks forth, even by them: but I know that those leaders feel that they have a power at their backs, which they hold as invincible,
I am convinced that the tension cannot long last, Reaction or violence is certain, While avoiding all needless collision, my aim has been by firmness, but discretion to induce such a popular re-action, without an outbreak, and thus let the people down to their old quietude. The people will thus soon fall back, or precipitate an issue in some locality.
If it be not simultaneous and general, it can and will be handled severely. But if the difficulties here should be complicated by a successful inroad upon Kentucky as anticipated by Gen Rosecrans, Wright and Boyle, there would be great danger. The only perfect assurance in such a case, would be in the support of a division from the east. The re-action in the New York democratic politicians, has not reached the west, and the popular daring of Vallandingham,
In furnishing the foregoing statement at the request of Govr Morton, whose good judgment has been my chief auxilliary in matters of a civil order, I will also refer to him for fuller information, as to the condition of the state.
I will respectfully add a word of my personal views
I believe that no City paper should use the mails, or cars or circulate, if it counsels resistance to the conscript act. I should like discretionary power in Indiana in this particular, if the government contemplate any interference with the press, should conscription be resisted.
I believe that no person should be allowed in sober and deliberate mood to support the arch-traitor Davis, by act or word of mouth.
Union farmers, in their innocence, come to me and say that such a person “hurrahs for Jeff Davis, what shall we do?” This seems a small matter; but I say in all seriousness that the feelings of retired countrymen, are as much irritated by this, as, a citizen of the town would be by armed treason. This delicate sense of national honor in the rustic, is not to be overlooked, and we cannot spare the men whose feelings revolt at such cries.
We are at the crisis. We shall pass it, safely. But we must encourage the loyal. Union men must feel that they are protected. Disloyal men, if their name be legion must feel that they are in danger
When the detachment under my command passed through Livingston, to arrest Judge Constable
The government must be felt, as the protector of the people. Now is the time! Come what will, firmness is our safety, and the result is certain— Victory in the field is valuable. But we must show the power and goodness of the government at home, or disaster in the field, will have ten fold damage here, and victory, in the field, will lose half its power,
Respectfully submitted
Henry B. Carrington
Col. 18th U S Infy
Comdg at Idpolis
From Cassius M. Clay to Abraham Lincoln, March 19, 1863
(Private)
St Nicholas Hotl
New-York City
N. York.
March 19. 1863.
My dear Mr. Lincoln,
I arrived here tonight.
There are several more applicants for the secretaryship. I trust you will allow
1— me to choose my secretary, as I was allowed no patronage in Ky. but the appointment of my nephew Green Clay. I can send you the name when I select one — and if you don't like him — I'll send another till you are pleased.
2. I ask leave of absence from St Petersburg for six weeks to begin at my choice this summer or spring. I desire to see Italy — and the court &c— are all absent in the summer months.
3. Don't forget Dr T. W. Evans nephew Charles Milter, for the Lieutenancy— I should be most happy to carry him the good news — that you have thought of his services.
Please remember me to Mrs. Lincoln: and believe me truly
your friend,
C. M. Clay—
4. P. S. Did you feel that you ought to drop Winans' a line in your own name for his suggestion in boat-building — which he gave us without charge?
C.
From Charles A. Dana to Edwin M. Stanton, March 19, 1863
743 PM
Cairo Ill
Mch 19” 63
Nothing can be ascertained here, but I shall no doubt be able to gather some facts at the District Head Quarters at Columbus whence will report tomorrow
The Naval Commander here is positive that every thing is working perfectly down the River
C. A. Dana
From Edwin M. Stanton to Abraham Lincoln, March 19, 1863
Washington City,
March 19 1863
Mr President
This afternoon Mr Dana who was sent West on some business of this Department reached Cairo.
I instructed him by a telegram to ascertain with precision and report what was known at Cairo respecting the operations at Vicksburg and on the Mississipi. The accompanying telegram has just been received from him.
Yours truly
Edwin M Stanton
From Henry Winter Davis to Abraham Lincoln, March 20, 1863
Dear Sir
Your favor of the 18th
Of course it will not be published.
Please accept my thanks for your polite attention.
Very resply & truly
yr obt servt
Henry Winter Davis
20 March 63
Baltimore.
From James H. Hackett to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 20, 1863
New-York, March 20 1863
Your Excellency favord me last Friday eveng 13th inst by a spontaneous visit to the Washington theatre to witness my personation of the Falstaff of King Henry IV, and I would respectfully ask your acceptance of a volume which I have recently published and the concluding portion of which refers particularly to the remarkable points of that renowned character—
Notes and Comments upon Certain Plays and Actors of Shakespeare, with Criticisms and Correspondence.
I have sent said Book through The Adams' Express Compy and venture to hope that at your convenient leisure you may find therein some agreeable relaxation from your cares of State—
Your Excellency's Obedient Servant
Jas. H. Hackett
From William Lilley to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 20, 1863
Kirkwood House
Washington. Mar. 20. 1863.
I ask a perusal of the following statement of facts as a matter of sheer justice—
I was appointed Quarter Master on the 16th of October 1861, and was with General Sherman's Expedition in South Carolina. I was rejected by the Senate on the 15th of Jan'y 1862, on mistaken grounds— On my arrival in Washington I appeared before the Military Committee and satisfied them that they had done me injustice— On the representation of Senator Wilsonyour written order, giving me, from time to time, such answers as would seem to preclude my right to leave the city. The very last time I saw him, some ten days since, he said that he would attend to it before the adjournment of the Senate.
Now, Sir, I have no complaints to make, no harsh language to use, and had this been an ordinary application I should have long since been attending to my own private affairs. But I was anxious to remove the stigma that attaches to the man who receives an adverse vote of the Senate, more especially as I was assured by Senators King,
I have no disposition to complain of the course Secretary Stanton has seen proper to pursue. I merely state facts— But I respectfully ask if this be proper treatment to a man who has ever been an ardent supporter of this war? Who has proved his loyalty by receiving the notice of his Commander in the official report of the battle of Port Royal Ferry? Besides, is this course good policy? Is it calculated to arouse the energy of the country in support of your administration? If Secretary Stanton meant to disobey your order was it not acting in bad faith towards me to keep me in ignorance of it for seven long months?
I have the honor, to be,
Your obedient servant
Wm Lilley
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
I remember nothing about this case; but if there is an order of mine, such as stated within, let the appointed at once?
A. Lincoln
March 25, 1863—
From Charles A. Dana to Edwin M. Stanton, March 21, 1863
140 PM
Columbus Ky
930 AM Mch 21
1863
Capt Wrigley of Logans
McPherson has advanced down forty miles from Yazoo City— That place has not been attacked and no rebel transports have been captured McPhersons Army is in perfect condition and excellent health Forces to reinforce him are now moving down from Missouri under Carr—
C A Dana
From Francis J. Herron to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 21, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 3 PM. Mch 21 1863,
From Saint Louis 12.
Dated, March 21 1863.
I would respectfully recommend the restoration of General Curtis to command of this Dept.
F. J Herron
Maj Genl
From Aaron A. Sargent to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 21, 1863
Washington March 21st 1863.
Dear Sir: It is my opinion that there exists a necessity to the public service that changes be made in the Custom House Mint and Appraisers Office at San Francisco — that corrupt men or men who allow corrupt men to control them, are now in the offices of Collector, Supt of the Mint, Appraisers, and in some subordinate positions. A wide difference of opinion existed between the delegation and the Secy of the Treasury at first as to the re-filling those positions, though none, I believe, as to the propriety of removals. The Secy has, however, tendered to my colleague Mr. Low, the Collectorship, and Mr. Low, with my concurrence, is disposed to accept it.
If an honest man is desired for the Mint I recommend W. M. Boyd, of San Francisco — and vouch for him, or I would consent to Mr. Swain, the other gentleman recommended by Mr. Chase, because all I can hear of him is in his favor except the remark of Mr. Brown, repeated to me by Mr. Chase. Mr. Boyd I know to be honest.
In cleaning out the appraisers shop, I will waive my objections to Mr. Bridge if Mr. Chase particularly desires his appointment, as I believe he is objectionable only for an unfortunate unpopularity in San Francisco, & also recommend Mr. Miller or Mr. Sutton, in Mr. Chase's election for the other appraisership.
Official Register lists H. M. Miller as the appraiser at the San Francisco customs house.
I have no personal ends to serve, & make these suggestions as the best advice I can give.
Respy
A. A. Sargent.
P. S. If I have opportunity I shall submit these views to Secretary Chase.
From Henry T. Blow to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 22, 1863
St Louis March 22 /63
Sir: I dislike very much to trouble you in regard to my own views and have always shrunk from doing so, feeling that you would be guided in your course concerning Missouri, by the opinions of those Officers of your own choosing, that you had placed over this Department: justice to them & you, Sir: requires me to depart from my usual course—
I had a full conversation with Genl Hendersonalso that while he had been so decided in relation to Genl Curtis, that he had scarcely ever met him & had learned this thing from others, of course being willing to put on the shoulders of the commanding Genl all the blame for the non agreement of two men that no well informed person could expect to agree on the various questions arising in this State, one being an Anti Slavery & the other a pro Slavery man — tho' I am free to confess the last, a moderate & fair man & one willing to do all in his power to preserve the quiet of the State, if he can have his own way.
Genl Curtis has administered this Department in a manly prudent & satisfactory manner. I have watched his course closely and know that he has been both friendly and generous towards Govr. Gamble, while Govr. Gamble is noted for his unrelenting spirit towards every one who disagrees with or opposes him: he Genl Curtis commands the respect of our enemies, because they know he cannot be deceived or flattred by them, and they fear him & behave themselves, because even Rebels know that if they are deceitful & treacherous with him, they will receive the punishment due, — & which has been so long witheld, that they fondly imagine is is to result in demoralizing the Union sentiment in this State, to such an extent as to give them the ascendancy; when no Union man or supporter of this Govt will be allowed to remain in this State:— They fully understand that with Genl Curtis in command, the efficient aid rendered him by true Unionists in this State & the thorough knowledge he has from experience, of the manner in which they work, that their case is hopeless, and all efforts will be unavailing, their hypocrisy is understood, their representations go for nothing & their lies & slanders fall harmlessly to the ground, while the good cause, Union & patriotism, go marching steadily on.
Genl Curtis has been with us for some time and has learned much from experience, more in fact than any new Command could in the next six months, — months full of danger to Missouri & the Union— If I thought him guilty in the slightest degree of the charges that have been made against him on account of Cotton speculationsspurn him as earnestly as I now sustain him, & I would be the last Union man to request his retintion here, but as I am satisfied that he is slandered, and that he is opposed by selfish office holders & office seekers, without his ability his integrity or his experience, I beg of you Mr President, to grant him every consideration, and reflect seriously over the condition of Missouri & the earnest wishes of your most devoted supporters and friends in Missouri, before you s peril our highest interests, by removing one who has our respect & confidence, & giving us in his place an untried stranger to the One who cannot understand for months, the conflicting elements or the wiley schemes of the bador, leave the balance of the State, the dreary waste & desolation that our South West now is.
The valley of the Mississippi is a respectable portion of the Union & the loyal west, in which you have spent your life & which I know you are ardently attached to, have been the greatest sufferers so far, by the Rebellion, if you could only spend one week away from the Capitol, and examine this Department in person, see for yourself what is really the trouble, the great trouble here, I am sure that great good would flow from it to Missouri & the Union, — I sincerely believe it would prove of incalculable advantage to our cause, for I as sincerely believe such a visit would result in a permanent policy that would insure stability & repose on our state by fixing the public mind firm in their love & loyalty to the Union & the Government.
I am Sir, with sentiments
of the highest respect
Yr. Obt Svt
Henry. T. Blow
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Mr. Blow.
From Charles A. Dana to Edwin M. Stanton, March 20, 1863
Recd in cipher
Mch 22. 10 PM
Columbus Ky
March 20” 1863
430 PM
There is absolutely no information here respecting affairs down the River. Gen Rosecrans having abandoned Forts Henry and Heiman and ordered them to be levelled and a rebel force having appeared at Heiman, Hurlbutreporting the facts ordered him to reoccupy Heiman considering it to be the key to both Columbus and Paducah— Asboth accordingly proceeded there by water with two Regiments of Infantry — two cannon and some cavalry, and found a small body of cavalryShirk cooperated in the movement and destroyed all the flats and skiffs collected by the rebels to force facilitate their operations on both sides of the Tennessee Hereafter two small Gunboats will patrol that river as far up as Savannah—
C A Dana
From James Guthrie and Joshua F. Speed to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 22, 1863
q. v.), requesting payment of claims Kentucky had against the Federal government. Kentucky had exhausted her military fund in disbursements already made, and Robinson expected a rebel invasion once roads were clear. Raising troops in response would not be a problem but in view of the state's shortage of funds, equipping them would be. A delay in payment to Kentucky's agent in Washington had led to the letter to Lincoln that follows.
Washington 22 March 1863
Dear Sir—
Mr Theobald the attorney and agent for the state of Ky — who came here with an earnest letter from Govenor Robinson to you— to have the accounts of the state audited and settled — finds that the 3d Auditor makes requirements before he will go into an adjustment of the balance, which will cause some six or eight weeks delay.
If this is done we fear that the very object for which the Govenor asks, so small a sum as $250.000. will pass by reason of the delay— It is to aid in raising new troops that the Govenor asks this money—
The account according to the vouchers already filed show about $400.000 due the State by the Genl Government— Which is being daily increased by small payments— The payment of $250.000 now leaves ample margin to cover all defective vouchers—
In view of the entire solvency of the state and the great good which may be done with so small a sum we earnestly ask that Mr Theobald may be paid the sum he asks—
Your friends &c
J. F. Speed
James Guthrie
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
Can not this sum of 250.000 be paid at once? Sec. of War, please tell me,
A. Lincoln
March 24, 1863.
From Abraham Lincoln to Horatio Seymour [Draft] 1, March 23, 1863
habeas corpus. Lincoln here attempts to open contact with the governor of a most important state, whose stance would undoubtedly be a problem for him.
Private & Confidential.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, March 23, 1863.
Dear Sir:
You and I are substantially strangers; and I write this chiefly that we may become better acquainted. I, for the time being, am at the head of a nation which is in great peril; and you are at the head of the greatest State of that nation. As to maintaining the nation's life, and, integrity, and relieving it from it's peril, I assume, and believe, there can not be a difference of purpose between you and me. If we should differ as to the means, it is important that such differences should be as small as possible — that it should not be enhanced by unjust suspicions on one side or the other. In the performance of my duty, the coperation of your State, as that of others, is needed — in fact, is indispensable— This alone is a sufficient reason why I should wish to be on good terms at a good understanding with you. Please write me at least as long a letter as this, — of course saying in it, just what you think fit.
Yours very truly
A Lincoln
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
To. Gov. Seymour.
March 23. 1863.
From Hiram Barney to Abraham Lincoln, March 23, 1863
Custom House, New-York,
Collector's Office, March 1863.
Sir
My attention has just been called to an Act of Congress approved by Your Excellency on 21st Ultimo, entitled An Act to annex a part of the State of New Jersey to the collection district of New York, and to appoint an Assistant Collector, to reside at Jersey City; and in the conviction of my mind that the duty devolves upon me in my official station to advise the appointing power of the absence of any necessity or utility for such an office, I have the honor to address you on the subject.
For more than half a century the Act in question has been a statute of the United States; the annexation of a part of the State of New Jersey to the Collection district of New York is now and has been since the date of 1811, and was at the period of the passage of the Act of February, an extant law of the land; but that part of said act which provided for the appointment of an Assistant Collector, was found after a long experience of more than thirty years to be without an event or incident to warrant its continuance, and in 1844 was repealed.
It is my duty to inform your Excellency that no necessity whatever exists, or can in any contingency exist, for the appointment or location of an Assistant Collector at Jersey City. I can anticipate nothing but embarrassment to the public business from the existence of such a functionary — and I feel assured that the records of the Department of the Treasury must be devoid of all evidence that such an officer is now, or was ever required, as an auxiliary to the revenue institutions of this District.
The salary would be saved to the Treasury; and no public want left unsupplied, by the non appointment of an incumbent of the office in question.
Official Register lists Phineas Dummer as the assistant collector. See John T. Nixon to Lincoln, February 24, 1863.
I have the honor to remain
Your Obdt. Servt.
Hiram Barney Collector
From Lorin Blodget et al. to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 23, 1863
Collected Works, VI, 145.
Philadelphia, March 23d, 1863.
Sir,
The Undersigned beg you to order an effective trial in actual service in the Army of a new war device which has been perfected in part under our auspices, and which we believe to be of great value in the present emergency, —A preparation called “Solidified Greek Fire,” used principally in filling Shells. This preparation will be exhibited and explained to you by the Gentlemen, bearers of this, who have invented and prepared it. It has already had a partial trial, with very favorable results, by Naval Officers.
We believe that humanity and duty alike urge the use of every means by which the enemies of the country may be most speedily subdued, and it is for the purpose of adding an effective agent for immediate use that we ask the trial of these shells in quantities at once. Whether time permits the regular ordnance tests or not, and without regard to the question of making them a permanent element of ordnance stores.
We beg your indulgence with this direct application to yourself, which is made not because the various departments of the service have been adverse to its use, but because it is believed that a more effective and immediate action may be taken with your direction and favor.
We are very respectfully
Your obedient servants
Lorin Blodgett
Wm B Thomas
Geo. L. Buzby
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
The President would like to see the gentlemen who sent in a letter from the Philadelphia Board of Trade, and dated the 23rd Inst.
From Samuel R. Curtis to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 23, 1863
St. Louis, Mar 23 1863.
My friends have some of them urged my the rescision of your order removing me from this Command. However flattering this may be to my feelings it does not agree with my judgement or desire.
If there were no reason for the change before, the order seems to render it necessary; as the showing of doubt or disapproval so cripples my power as to endanger my command.
Besides I am informed that the Comman General in chief and some of the Cabinet desire the removal of most or all of the Federal troops from Missouri, which would be the more desirable as they are much needed elsewhere. The removal has been left to my discretion and I have moved them as fast or faster than my judgement approves. I am satisfied that my judgement in this regard has been unsatisfactory to some who do not possess the knowledge which I do of the subject. The Governor
The Command was never sought or asked by me, it is exceedingly arduous and perplexing; I have not had a moments repose since the war began, have been somewhat impaired by toil strife, and affliction; and I am not therefore able to go forward successfully with a doubtful or hesitating policy towards me emanating from Head Quarters. I therefore present to your Excellency my sincere request that you will not rescind but will consummate your order removing me from this Command.
I have the honor to be & shall remain
Your Obt devoted & Humble Sevt
S. R. Curtis
Maj Genl.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Gen. Curtis.
From Caleb B. Smith to Abraham Lincoln, March 23, 1863
Indianapolis March 23/63
Sir
I beg leave to introduce to you James Blake Esq one of the oldest and most worthy citizens of this City
Mr Blake has sacrificed a very large estate to meet liabilities incurred in an effort to promote an important public enterprize. If you can confer upon him an appointment which will furnish him with the means of support for his family you will confer a great upon one whose character for integrity has never been impeached, and who will discharge any duties which may be entrusted to him with zeal and fidelity
Collected Works, VI, 153.
Very respy
Your obt Servt
Caleb B Smith
From Philip B. Fouke to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 24, 1863
The President will more than oblige me by giving me a general letter, to commandants of Posts & to commanders on the Missippi River—
Also, a letter to Genl. Schenck
No consideration will induce me to violate the good faith reposed in me
P B Fouke
March 24th 1863
[Endorsement:]
March 24, 1863
Has a new Commercial Enterprize on hand & desires letters to Commanders of Ports on the Mississippi
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
This will introduce to you Col P.B. Fouke, ex-member of Congress, who has a commerical Enterprize in view. I would will be glad gratified if you would afford him such facilities as are in your power to carry it out, not inconsistent with the interests of the Govt.
[On verso, Lincoln has written and later crossed out:]
Memphis
Secretary Wells
[Morris?]
[Bester?]
[Dr. Sh?]
From Thomas H. Hicks to Abraham Lincoln, March 24, 1863
Washington March 24 / 63
My Dear Sir
Convalescing for the last three or four days, after a tedious illness, I begin to learn a little of what is going on outside and among the things that concern me and my people is the condition of the Naval Academy at Annapolis. (New Port temporarily). As the management of that Institution has been confided to you for which no one is more grateful than myself, I respectfully and earnestly ask that you move promptly in the matter by having the school returned to Annapolis its proper place. And I would suggest that the school be returned before our Conventional Election or if not practicable to be made at so early a day I beg you to have an order made public vacating the houses and having them together with the grounds put in order for the return of the school at an early day. Your attention to this important matter will be of great service to your friends in Maryland and no disadvantage to your excellency
Very Respectfully
Your Obedient
Servant
Tho. H. Hicks
From Charles Wiegand to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 24, 1863
Washington, March 24th 1863.
Excellency:
After a long illness and suffering from wounds, it is with much pleasure that I beg to address You, announcing that I think myself strong enough and my health so far restored, as to be able satisfactorily to discharge the duties of the field, and would therefore request Your Excellency to restore me to my command, or rather the command of the brigade as promised by the War-Department.— Should on the other side Your Excellency have a reverse opinion as to my health and fitness for discharge of field-duties, I would hereby most respectfully apply to Your Excellency's well known love of justice, to cause a speedy decision as to the merits of my case, as I have already so long been compelled to live here and in the field at my own expense, my separation from my family and detention here being of no benefit to any one, and would beg in connection with this application to remind Your Excellency most respectfully of the promise, to give me a letter of recommandation to Collector Barney of New York, or to make use of my experience and capacity for the organisation of the militia as pr conscription bill.
Trusting to receive an early decision, which ever way Your Excellency's judgement may decide, I am and remain
Your Excellency's
most obedient servant
Chas Wiegand
Col I Arkansas
Inft.
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
I think this man, Charles Wiegand, called on me once, or oftener; but I really know nothing as to his capacity or merit— If a Brigade was promised him by the War Department I know nothing of it; and not knowing whether he is fit for any place I could not with propriety, recommend him for any.
A. Lincoln
March 24, 1863.
From Hubert Dilger to Abraham Lincoln, March 25, 1863
Headquarters Battery I. 1st Ohio Artillery.
Camp near Stafford C. H. Va.
March 25th 1863.
Sir
I take the liberty against all military rules, of adressing a few lines to your Excellency. I do it not for my self but in behalf of the men under my immediate command.
These men have not received their pay for nearly seven months and being mostly married with large families to support I deemed it my duty to inform your Excellency of this fact.
Promises have been repeatedly made after I had complained through the regular military channels but up to this date my men have been without money for the above specified time.
It is indeed heartrending to read the letters these men receive from home and I think the Government should pay these soldiers who are sacrificing their every thing for their country's sake.
The men have, I am proud to say, distinguished themselves in many battles and will do the same where ever they are called upon, but then the Government which they have sworn to defend and sustain, should do its duty towards them.
I hope you will take in consideration the facts, I have placed before you and see that my men who have all confidence and trust in your Excellency will be paid as soon as possible.
I have the honor to be
Your Excellency's
humble and obedient servant
H. Dilger Captain.
Comdg. Battery I, 1st Ohio-Artillery
I. Brig. III. Divis. 11th Corps.
Army of the Potomack.
From Ozias M. Hatch et al. to Abraham Lincoln, March 25, 1863
Cairo March 25. 1863
Dr Sir.
Some of us have mixed pretty freely with the citizens of Saint Louis, within a short time, — and we wish to express to you our firm conviction — from all the surrounding circumstances — political and otherwise — that General Curtis should be his own successor in the District over which he is now the commander.
Your friends
O. M. Hatch
Jesse K Dubois
D. L. Phillips
Wm Mitchell Indiana
From Timothy O. Howe to Edwin M. Stanton, March 25, 1863
Recd 5.45 PM
Mch 25, 1863.
Madison Wis. 12 M
Mch 25, 1862,
The Supreme Court has just decided unanimously the draft of last fall to be valid & has denied the writ of habeas corpus.
T. O. Howe
From D. A. Mack to Abraham Lincoln, March 25, 1863
Head Quarters 3d Pa Vols.
Camp near Falmouth Va
March 25th 1863
Sir—
Nothing but the deep and abiding interest, you have ever manifested in the moral condition of the Union armey, would justify me in asking for the smallest potion of your time, which must be so constintly imployed in important matter of state, at this most critical stage of national affaires:—
Hoping therefore you will pardon this intrusion allow me to say:— Feeling the greate importance of good morals in our ranks in order to give efficiency to our armes — has suggested the idea of forming an association which should have for its object the discouragement of camp vices espicely profanity, which we fear is on the increase in some potions of the Armey.
This association which has been formed in connec- with our Reg,t is still in it infancy, we have had but one meeting, at which a number of officirs made stirring speeches — and took hold of the matter with a will to bare thier sollemn protest against a vice so unbecoming a Christian Soldier and in evry possible way to incurage the men in chasing it from our midst:
Now Sir, if our honard Commander in Cheafe of the Armey and Navey will smile upon our humble effurt, and send us a word of cheer it will be a Treasure of power towards the acomplishment of the greate end proposed, — and may the God of nations have our Rulers in His holy Keeping.—
Hoping that we may heer from Your Excelency I am with the hiest considerations — in be half of the association.
Your obedient servant
D. A. Mack
Chaplain
3d Pa Vols—
From John F. Potter to Abraham Lincoln, March 25, 1863
East Troy, Wis, March 25th 1863
Mr. President,
I have this moment received official notice of my appointment as Governor of the Territory of Dakota—
While I feel deeply grateful for this mark of your confidence, I am under the necessity of declining the appointment. Were I needed in any position where I might be of service to my country in this hour of peril and danger, I would not allow domestic sorrow, however grievious it may be, to hold me back — but in this case, I feel I may with propriety ask you to relieve me from its acceptance.
I have the honor
to be very gratefully
Your obt. Svt.
Jno. F. Potter
From William S. Rosecrans to Abraham Lincoln, March 25, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington, 1140 AM. Mch 25 1863,
From Murfreesboro
Dated, March 25 1863.
Brig Gen R B Mitchell has fought with distinction throughout this war receiving 8 wounds commander of Division at Perryville which succeeded in getting into the place capturing the Rebel ammunition train. He is true earnest loyal enegetic energectic & judicious, Quite a military man. I hope Your Excellency will appoint him a Maj Genl to date from the 8th of Oct. It will benefit the service
Collected Works, VI, 148.
W. S. Rosecrans
Maj. Gnl
From William S. Rosecrans to Abraham Lincoln, March 24, 1863
The following Telegram received at Washington 1210 PM. Mch 25 1863,
From Murfreesboro midnight
Dated, March 24 1863.
I beg your Excellency for the good of the service and a reward for bravery in battle to appoint Brig Genl Jeff C. Davis a Major General to rank from Dec 31st 62 because he is a brave & true officer who has been in fifteen successful battles since Sumpter. He won the battle of Blackwater and was the main stay of that of Pea Ridge. At Stone River he behaved with great gallantry; is very laborious & full of decisive pluck
Collected Works, VI, 148.
Respectfully,
W. S. Rosecrans
M. G.
From Edwin M. Stanton to Abraham Lincoln, March 25, 1863
Washington City,
March 25 1863
Mr President
I will report in relation to the Kentucky funds this evening.
Yours truly
E M Stanton
Sec of War
From George H. Stuart to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 25, 1863
Philadelphia, March 25th 1863.
Sir,
Your letter enclosing that of Mary Talbot Sorby of England and the Five Pound Bank of England note sent by her has been received.
At Lincoln's Side: John Hay's Civil War Correspondence and Selected Writings (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 2000), 32.
We have written to the lady acknowleging her generous and thrice welcome donation and shall gladly and faithfully use it, in accordance with her wishes to furnish “Bibles to the poor wounded soldiers of the North.”
For yourself Sir please accept my warmest thanks for this and every other mark of confidence and goodwill toward the Christian Commission,
Very Respectfully and Truly
Your Obedient Servant
Geo. H Stuart
Chairman
From Abraham Lincoln to Andrew Johnson [Draft] 1, March 26, 1863
Private
Executive Mansion,
Washington, March 26, 1863.
My dear Sir:
Gov. Chase tells me I am told you have at least thought of raising a negro military force. In my opinion the country now needs no specific thing so much as some man of your ability, and position, to go to this work. When I speak of your position, I mean that of an eminent citizen of a slave-state, and himself a slave-holder. The colored population is the great available, and yet unavailed of, force, for restoring the Union. The bare sight of fifty thousand drilled armed and armed drilled black soldiers upon the banks of the Mississippi, would end the rebellion at once. And who doubts but that we can present that sight if we but take hold in earnest? If you have been thinking of it please do not dismiss the thought.
Yours very truly
A. Lincoln
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
To Gov. Andrew Johnson
March 26, 1863.
From Ezra Baker to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 26, 1863
Official Register lists Baker as agent to the Flathead Indians.
Washington City
National Hotel
March 26th 1863
Sir,
Having been here some thirteen days, Sent in several cards and two letters requesting an interview, I began to think you had not received my two letters, I therefore send you a copy which is as follows,
Since my arrival in this city I have incidently learned that it has been determined to relieve me from duty as Indian Agent at Olympia, Washington Territory and assigned to duty elsewhere in some inferior capacity. I am unadvised as to the grounds that have caused this determination, but if it has been occasioned by any representations affecting my competency, fidelity, or integrity in the discharge of the duties, I desire to have specific charges preferred against me and an investigation of them instituted. I challenge the strictest scrutiny into my official and private conduct, proudly confident that it will result in your full justification for having conferred upon me the appointment,
I have been in this city trying to get an interview with you without success and I now request of you the favor to designate some early period when I can have a few moments conversation with you.
Very Respectfully
E Baker
P S I have a soldier 49 years under Pr Madison Clay & Lincoln from 1812 to 1863
EB
From William P. Dole to Abraham Lincoln, March 26, 1863
March 26th 1863
Prest Lincoln
Mr E. Baker — Late Indian agent in Washington Terr asks me for a Letter to you requesting an interview of a few moments—
Yours very truly
Wm. P. Dole
From Charles Wiegand to Abraham Lincoln, March 26, 1863
Washington, March 26th 1863.
Excellency:
Your answer to my application of March 24th is in my hands
Your
most obedient servant
Chas Wiegand
Col I Arkansas
From William G. Brownlow to Abraham Lincoln, March 27, 1863
Cincinnati, March 27th, 1863
Mr. President:
Read the inclosed document — four fifths of the Committee reporting the resolutions are slave holders, and the meeting represented ten thousand Tennessee volunteers.
If the War Department, or Government will supply me with three thousand dollars to start upon, I will start the paper called for at once, and publish a vigorous war sheet, sustaining the Administration without ifs or buts, and such a sheet is needed for Kentucky.
I am,
Very Truly, &c,
W. G. Brownlow
From Mary F. Carpenter to Abraham Lincoln, March 27, 1863
Washington March 27
While in your presence yesterday so deeply was I weighed with the all powerful responsibility of the Presdt that much was forgotten that I wished said.
May God guide you & give wisdom that will bear us safely above all vipers blasts surely! surely! Heaven has not permited us to demonstrate what a self governing community can do to now destroy us and thus quench the worlds light of freedom by suffering treason to culminate in success. No! No! the Union must endure and remain the the wonder & hope of the world. Excuse this digression from a heart of truth yes one whose amor patriae is above all else while in Europe my pen was ever ready to sustain my country & her President I wrote for several papers will enclose two notes from our Ministers at England & France. You will oblige by returning them as they are pleasing mementos of my trip abroad
What I now offer is for the wisdom of the President & Sec of Navy not others trust not too far you have those all around in War & Navy Depts who give the whole news. I will refer you to the Sec of Navy & my old & honoured friend J J Crittenden who has known me from childhood in his Ky home. If you think it wise & well I will return at once to Va Winchester & I have the power (with great caution) to go to Jackson & Lees quarters & hear much far more than any scout can know. I have my friends & would save them from thes men Therefore do not think I am betraying them I have a cousin on Lee's Staff Should you wish my services none of the subordinates must know of it only Genl Milroy I must seem to my friends to have much difficulty in passing our lines with comforts (all of which our officers can over look) & again I can say I have come to buy their farms that is one or two for they are madly offering for Confederate money to sell their homes poor deluded ones by their vile leaders.
I must ward off all suspicion. I am not an Amazon, but will risk life for my own dear country leaving my dear husband to the care of our excellent Sec of Navy. Many say it has been a mistake in not trusting Loyal Southerners who could understand the South far better than any Northerner. Trusting all to your magnanimous judgement
I am respectfully
Yours
Mary F Carpenter
My Address 268, F St
Allow me to enclose an excellent piece for your eye
From Stephen A. Hurlbut to Abraham Lincoln, March 25, 1863
Rec'd 950 PM 27th
In Cipher
Memphis Tenn
March 25th 4 P.M
via Cairo Ill
Mar 27th 1863
Two divisions of General Shermans command are in Steele's Bayou above Haines Bluff.at About nine hundred 900 Square miles of Upper Louisiana under water— Canal at Vicksburg deep enough but not wide enough. Enemy are repairing Mobile and Ohio Railroad and will run to Tupelo by next week This road is strongly guarded. All indications point to a speedy abandonment of Vicksburg and concentration on Gen Rosecrans with a diversion on my left. Enemy's cavalry in front of Corinth are being strongly reinforced, this I think is a cover unless Van Dorn is driven across the Tennessee when we may have something to do. The troops of this command are in fine order and ready for what may turn up
Collected Works, VI, 142.
S. A. Hurlbut
Maj Genl Comdg
From Allan A. Hall, Horace Maynard, and Andrew Johnson to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 27, 1863
Washington City
March 27th 1863.
Sir:
We desire to call the attention of your Excellency to the enclosed Resolutions passed on the 5th inst at a meeting of prominent citizens of East-Tennessee, now in the military service of the Government. The sentiments expressed you may be assured, are their own, and they may be taken as fair representations of the Union people in that part of our State. So far as they assume to state facts, you may rely upon their accuracy.
May we not embrace this opportunity again to ask whether such a people are not entitled to claim and to receive all the power of the Government for their protection?
We have the honor to be
Your Excellency's Obt Sevt,
Andrew Johnson
Horace Maynard,
Allen A. Hall
From Robert B. Nay to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 27, 1863
Collected Works, VI, 55, 103.
Washington D. C.
March 27th 1863
The President will doubtless remember that I was released from confinement in New Orleans a short time since by his clemency— I desire an interview. Hon Archibald Williams accompanies me.
I am with great
Respect
Your obt Sevt
Robt B Nay
[Endorsed by Reverdy Johnson:]
The messenger will please hand this to the President & tell him the gentleman is at the door.
Reverdy Johnson
26th March
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
I will not say thee “Nay”
From Julian M. Sturtevant to Abraham Lincoln, March 27, 1863
Private
Jacksonville, March 27 1863
Dear Sir
By the concurring advice and request of many friends, I have consented to spend a few months in Great Britain, sailing from New York about the 8th of April.
It is my own wish and the wish of my friends, that during my stay there, I should be in possession of the best means of rendering myself useful to the cause of our dear country and of universal liberty during my stay there. I therefore very respectfully request of you the favor, to give me a letter of introduction to our Minister Mr. Adams, and also to any other persons representing our Government in the United Kingdom whose acquaintance will be likely to be serviceable to me.
With sentiments of the highest respect and the most sincere friendship
I remain
Your obediant servant
J. M. Sturtevant
P. S. Please address me to the care of Rev. Theron Baldwin D. D. 80 Wall St. New York.
From W. H. Ward to Abraham Lincoln, March 27, 1863
24 Union Square
North London — 27. March 1863
Mr President
There was another glorious meeting at St James Hall in London last evening, in which yourself, and the cause of freedom, including the mighty civil strife with which you are called upon to grapple with, was fully set forth, and duly appreciated, when resolutions were passed that will reach you in due course of mail, ahead of this—
These continued popular demonstrations Mr President, are doing wonders here for the cause of freedom, staggering the pro-slavery sympathisers and their press, and have had the effect of bringing out Earl Russell
At the opening of the contest — I offered my services thrice — once to you — secondly to Mr Secratary Cameron, and thirdly through Mr Secratary Seward, and receiving no reply I continued my avocations here, and am pleased that I have done so under the circumstances, as I would of been but one at most, and since then I have sent you 5 persons — three of whom have been in action of the other two I learn nothing — and begin to think I never shall — their passage being paid for them—
And another reason why I'm pleased is, that I have done what I could in bringing about a change of sentiment here — and all this without noise, or cost to the Government, or public, or friends at home—
Under these circumstances Mr President you will excuse this lengthy letter, and accept my enthusiasm as an apology—
A Friend and acquaintance of mine will hand you this, and an accompanying parcel or package of pamphlets — two for yourself — two for the Secratary at War and two for the Secratary of the Navy— Please cause good to come, in consequence of them, the Pamphlets to me — and the Public also—
The friend and acquaintance refered to, is a Mr John Hodge of the firm of Messrs Hyde, Hodge & Co of London — who is a thorough-going-unionist, and will no doubt afford you much information on the general feeling of his countrymen in England that would interest you, could you see him for a few minutes— He will wait on you with this letter and the parcel refered to— The latter is printed matter.
Mr Hodge has letters from Earl Russell to Lord Lyons, and from the Hon. Mr Adams to the Hon Mr Secratary Seward — and he may acquaint you of what the writer is doing for his country while away—
And now Mr President in conclusion allow me the honor of renewing my assurances of friendship and esteem, for yourself and the cause with which it is your duty to contend, praying that God the Lord will glorify himself in affording you council, wisdom, health strength and assistance to continue successfully to the end, and forever put down the present issue and its cause, and believe me my Dear Mr President Truly Yours in the Lord evermore— W. H. Ward
From Isachar Zacharie to Abraham Lincoln, March 27, 1863
Washington City
Friday morning
March 27 1863
Dear Sir
Policy prevents my seeing you, which I greatly regret, I would wish to have said adieu in person
My mind is much agitated on account of the great responsibility resting on me. I trust everything will be consumated to realize your best wishes. If it does not the fault shall not be mine
I hope you will aid my efforts by giving such orders as will tend to carry out the suggestions contained in my memorandum
Thanking you for the prompt & kind manner you have acted towards me
Believe me most
Faithfully, Your
Obt Servent
I. Zacharie, Md.
From Nathaniel P. Banks to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln] 1, March 28, 1863
New-Orleans, 28. March 1863.
Sir:
Colonel S. B. Holabird Chief Quarter Master of this Department. visits Washington upon official business. and I have requested him to call upon you. to give you such information as you may desire of affairs in this department.. He is an officer of large experience. and of undoubted integrity and intelligence upon whose statements implicit reliance can be placed. He knows well the condition of the country, the character of the People, and the prospects of the future. so far as this section of the country is concerned. I commend him to your favorable consideration.
I have the honor to be
With much respect
Your Obedient Servant
N. P. Banks
M. G. C.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Gen. Banks— March 28. 1863,
Col. Holibird.
From Silas Noble to Abraham Lincoln, March 28, 1863
Washington D. C.
March 28. 1863.
Sir,
I have concluded not to accept the appointment of Additional Pay Master in the army, tendered me on the 23d inst. The proper and conscientious discharge of the duties of the office seems to me to involve a degree of pecuniary responsibility that I do not care to assume.
In this struggle for national existence I have heretofore served the country to the best of my ability; and, spite of the injustice that I think has been done me, I trust I shall not hereafter be found wanting in any effort of a loyal citizen to to sustain the Government.
As directed by the Secretary of War, I have signified my non-acceptance of the office to the Adj't General of the Army.
Thanking you for the confidence expressed in me by the appointment,
I am respectfully,
S. Noble