Abraham Lincoln, Memorandum for Cabinet1, [July 14, 1864]

1 Lincoln prepared this memorandum for his cabinet, though there is no evidence that he actually read it to them. Gen. Halleck had protested to Secretary of War Stanton that Postmaster General Mongomery Blair had unfairly criticized the military officers defending Washington from the attack by the Confederate forces under Gen. Jubal Early. Early's troops had burned Blair's house in Silver Spring, Maryland, just outside Washington, before retreating, and Blair was reported as saying that the officers' inability to prevent this was a “disgrace.” Halleck's rejoinder was that “it is due to the honor of the accused that the slanderer should be dismissed from the cabinet.” Lincoln would not consider dismissing Blair, telling Stanton that “I do not consider what may have been hastily said in a moment of vexation at so severe a loss, is sufficient ground for so grave a step.” See Henry W. Halleck to Edwin M. Stanton, July 13, 1864, Edwin M. Stanton to Abraham Lincoln, July 14, 1864 and Lincoln to Stanton, July 14, 1864.

Executive Mansion,

Washington,

I must myself be the judge, how long to retain in, and when to remove any of you from, his position. It would greatly pain me to discover any of you endeavoring to procure anothers removal, or, in any way to prejudice him before the public. Such endeavor would be a wrong to me; and much worse, a wrong to the country. My wish is that on this subject, no remark be made, nor question asked, by any of you, here or elsewhere, now or hereafter—

From James R. Gilmore to Abraham Lincoln, July 21, 1864

New York July 21/64

My dear Mr Lincoln,

On my way home (Boston) this morning, I was very much surprised and mortified to see the absurd and ridiculous reports of Col Jaquess1 and my visit to Richmond in the Phila. Enquirer and N.Y. Times.2 I assure you I had no hand or part in it, nor any idea of any such publication being about to be made. Col Jaquess, though I was with him till 5 o'clock yesterday PM. said nothing to me of any intentions to make such a statement. Learning at Gen'l Butler's that the N.Y. Herald was about to publish a statement Peace Comsrs had passed into the Rebel lines. I consulted with Jaquess and we, together, authorised the Tribune reporter to make the very modest statement in that paper of this morning, intending thereby to head off the Herald statement. There I supposed the matter was to end, till such time as it was thought advisable to publish what Davis3 said, in order to show that any talk of peace was delusive.

1 James F. Jaquess

2 Gilmore met Col. Jaquess in 1863, and became involved in his plan to undertake a peace mission to Richmond. There are numerous pieces of correspondence in this collection relating to Jaquess' scheme and its aftermath.

3 Confederate President Jefferson Davis

This ridiculous statement having been made, it strikes me it is best to prepare an exact account of the trip and having have it published in the next Atlantic Monthly — first submitting it to you. Such a paper I will get ready and forward to you in a few days, unless in the mean time you request to the contrary—

Yours very Truly,

J. R. Gilmore

From Schuyler Colfax to Abraham Lincoln, July 25, 1864

South Bend Ind, July 25. 1864.

My dear Sir,

I have been in various Counties in Northern Indiana the past ten days, and have every where been told that I must write you if the State is to be saved this fall, the soldiers of Indiana must be allowed to come home to vote.1 All the Northern States, save the hopeless one of New Jersey, seem to be either safe politically, or their soldiers are allowed to vote in the field, except Indiana & Illinois. As in 1856 & 1860, the October elections may decide the Presidential election, by deciding such States as New York &c. Pennsylvania & Indiana are the two doubtful States that vote in October. Both carried then, the contest ends. The soldiers of Pennsylvania can vote in the field. Indiana's cannot. And, if you desire to strengthen the Army, what better means than to allow the Indiana Regiments to return home to recruit! They can do it more successfully than all other agencies; & their moral power for the Right will be very great, in addition to their votes.

1 In September, Lincoln asked General Sherman to do what he could to see that as many of Indiana's soldiers as possible were furloughed so they would be able to go home to vote. Several thousand were furloughed. See Lincoln to Sherman, September 19, 1864.

Another point has been strongly suggested. If the draft occurs in September, and results as a much smaller draft did in 1862, its effect may be disastrous.2 If however, it happens to be pending at the October election, that fact will keep from the polls thousands of hostile Southern refugees, unnaturalized foreigners &c, who will fear, and justly, that their illegal voting will add their names to those in the wheel.

2 In July, Lincoln had called for 500,000 more volunteers. If the quota was not met by September 5, a draft was to be instituted. See Collected Works, VII, 448-49.

The correspondence with the Niagara Falls Rebel emissaries has of course attracted much attention.3 The terms you propose are exactly correct; but of course the Copperhead Press pervert the facts by insisting that the War is to be continued solely for the Negro. Before the draft comes, might it not be well to specify, if negotiations continue, with more minuteness of detail. Your mind of course has grasped all the legislation on the subject, of the past few years. Slavery abolished in the District of Columbia, & Territories. Rebel property confiscated, and the slaves of rebels declared free. The families of all slave soldiers enfranchised forever. No person allowed to sit as Senator, Representative &c, who cannot swear he has not voluntarily participated in the Rebellion. The coastwise Slave Trade prohibited. All the real estate of the disloyal States virtually forfeited for non payment of Direct Tax by Doolittle's4 Tax bill. With this, & much more legislation on the statute book, to proffer them, as an initiative, — laying down their arms — the integrity of the Union — & obedience to the Constitution & all the laws of the land — would spike the batteries of enemies North as well as South. I think Congress erred in not passing a law, affirming your Emancipation Proclamation, which would have then brought it also within the scope of “the laws”; but if the Supreme Court affirms it, it's a fixed fact just as strongly without it. But the laws I have alluded to, with the Abolition action of Arkansas & Louisiana, through their Conventions,5 seem to destroy Slavery almost as effectively as a promise by Rebel Commissioners could bring about.

3 Numerous Confederate agents in Canada were, at this time, making contact with Peace Democrats as well as Radical Republicans in the North, both with a view to peace and the defeat of Lincoln in November. See William C. Jewett to Horace Greeley, July 5, 1864; Greeley to Lincoln, July 7, 1864, and Lincoln's response of July 9.

4 James R. Doolittle

5 Both Union-occupied states adopted new constitutions in 1864 which provided for the emancipation of slaves.

Pardon these suggestions. I have conversed with so many leading men about the present situation, I felt impressed to send you this summing-up of their views.

Yrs very truly

Schuyler Colfax

From James R. Gilmore to Abraham Lincoln, August 3, 1864

No 37 West Cedar St. Boston,

Aug 3. 1864

My dear Mr Lincoln;

I send you herewith, as promised, proof of “Our Visit to Richmond” for the next “Atlantic”1

1 Gilmore's article appeared under the pseudonym “Edmund Kirke” in the September 1864 issue of The Atlantic Monthly. The article recounted his visit to Richmond with Col. James F. Jaquess. See Gilmore to Lincoln, July 21, 1864, as well as numerous other letters in this collection.

If you wish any part of it altered, suppressed, or added to, please advise me by the 7th inst. and I will govern myself by your wishes. If I do not hear from you, I shall conclude it is not objectionable and will let it go to press.

I am,

very respy & truly

Yours,

J. R. Gilmore.

From John McMahon to Abraham Lincoln, August 5, 1864

The following Telegram received at Washington, 825 P.M. Aug 5 1864.

From Harmbrook Bradford Co Pa Aug 5 1864

via Tawanda

The following lines will give you to understand what is justice & what is truth to all men

My Dear Sir I hope you will be kind enough to pay attention to these few lines

I am yours &c

Equal Rights & Justice to all white men in the United States forever— White men is in Class number one & black men is in Class number two & must be governed by white men forever1

1 See John G. Nicolay to McMahon, August 6, 1864.

John McMahon

From John G. Nicolay to John McMahon, August 6, 1864

Washington, August 6th, 1864.

Dear Sir.

The President has received yours of yesterday and is kindly paying attention to it.1 As it is my business to assist him whenever I can, I will thank you to inform me, for his use, whether you are either a white man or a black one, because in either case you cannot be regarded as an entirely impartial judge. It may be that you belong to a third or fourth class of yellow or red men, in which case the impartiality of your judgment would be more apparent.

1 See McMahon to Lincoln, August 5, 1864.

Your obt Servt

(signed) Jno G Nicolay

Private Secretary

From John D. Defrees to Benjamin F. Wade, August 7, 1864

Washington, Aug. 7 1864

Dear Sir:

Either Mr. Lincoln or a Copperhead must be the next President.

If the latter, an ignomenious peace — a recognition of the Southern Confederacy, or the adoption of the Constitution of the Confederacy by all the States, will certainly follow.

Of course, you are not in favor of thus ending the present struggle for the existence of the nation; and yet, the address signed by Winter Davis1 and yourself is so construed and will be so used by those who wish the electin of a Copperhead.2

1 Henry Winter Davis

2 On August 5 the New York Tribune published the Wade-Davis manifesto, which condemned Lincoln's pocket veto of their bill establishing a congressional plan of reconstruction.

Granted, if you please, that Mr. Lincoln ought to have signed the approved the reconstruction law, is his neglect to do so a sufficient reason for making war upon him, and thus lessen his chances for re-election.

In this hour of his the country's greatest peril much should be overlooked by all thoes who desire that it should live.

At the commencement of the rebellion, and for some time afterwards, Mr. Lincoln hesitated as to the proper course to be pursued by the government towards slavery, and the use of Slaves as Soldiers. Union men were decided divided on these questions. At length he became convinced that our cause would be strengthened by their liberation, as far as possible, and their use in our armies — and hence his proclamation.

More of our public men who then entertained what were called ul ultra views on the Slavery question, were applauded his act — whilst those opposed to them, quietly ac acquiesed in it.

Is it not a little strange that most of the opposition to Mr. Lincoln, among Union men, is to be found among the very men who were loudest in their accomendations of the proclamation of freedom, as they called it?

Mr. Lincoln can be re-elected, — but, it will require the United effort of all those who do not wish to see the restoration of the slave power in more than its former hideousness.

It is time now for the pioneer in the anti-slavery movement above all others, now to shrink from sustaining the President merely be cause, in all things, they do not agree with him.

The address to which I refer will do harm, unless you take a very early occasion, in a speech or letter, to say, that you mean to support Mr. L, notwithstanding his difference with you about the re-construction law — and, as a friend, I do wish you may do so.

Yours & &

J. D. D.

Aug. 7 — 1864

My dear sir.

I send you a copy of a letter sent by me to Mr. Wade to-day.

Please read it to the President, if you think proper.

Yr friend

Defrees

From George B. Senter to John G. Nicolay1, August 10, 1864

1 George B. Senter was mayor of Cleveland, Ohio.

Mayors Office

Cleveland Ohio Aug 10th 1864

My dear Sir.

My engagements are so pressing that I cannot leave home at present or I should immediatly visit Washington, but I feel it my duty to give you my views of the state of things in Ohio. I have at the suggestion of our Committee been through Ohio, Michigan Ind Ills & Iowa, & must say our matters drag a little, & it is now high time for us to go to work in earnest. Of course the warm friends of Mr Chase2 are many of them sure & will not be very efficient, but still we may count on their support.

2 Salmon P. Chase

But the onslaught that Mr Wade3 has made on the President is a more serious matter. I am satisfied that he means if possible to defeat Mr Lincoln, I do not know that you are aware that Mr Wade confidently expected the nomination of Chicago in 60. The people generally of this section preferd Seward,4 but in view of the fact that Mr Chase was an Ohio Man it was felt that he ought to have the vote of Ohio, There was however a small collection that surrunded Mr Wade & had influenced his imagination with the belief that in the contest between Seward & Chase he could be nominated— Indeed quite a congressional force was organized for him— In order to get an entry into the convention these schemers according to the locality declarred themselves to be for Chase or Seward, as they deemed the chances bad for election delegates. A few succeeded in getting to be delegates & I personlly know that Wade & his set confidentaly expected the nomination & no man in the whole country was more chagrined than Mr Wade at the nomination of Mr Lincoln. He next tried to get a tool of his into the cabinet, failing in that he took good care that his creatures should have all the patronage, & no more miserable set ever had place than were appointed under his control in Ohio.

3 Benjamin F. Wade. The “onslaught” is probably a reference to the Wade-Davis manifesto which appeared in the press on August 5. The manifesto was a condemnation of Lincoln's pocket veto of the Wade-Davis bill, establishing a Congressional plan for reconstruction.

4 William H. Seward

All the Congressman for Ohio feared him and every public place of unfortunate in Northern Ohio is filled with his set. They had done nothing for the cause, but in the main were a mere set of [fawners?] about him & were either fools or knaves, the latter set predominating. Mr Wade & all his set were desperatley hostile to the nomination of Mr Lincoln & only gave a sham preferance, Well judging that if Mr Lincoln were out of the way that Mr Chases friends would succeed as against them, and this was only more objectionable as Mr Chase was aware of his, Wades, true feelings— The men who had done the work of the Republican party in days of adversity had no chance under Mr Lincolns appointments— The only consideration that goverened Mr Wade — and he controlled every thing except a few made appointments of Mr Chase — was — is he devoted to me and was he in favor of my nomination. Men who could not have secured the popular vote for Hog Reeves,5 were given the most important places and old & tried workers were left in the cold— But the great body of the party have stood by Mr Lincoln and have demanded his renomination despite these things, knowing that he could not devote his personal attention to the distribution of favors, and that they would endure and wait for truth to vindicate itself— One great drawback to the cause now is that the same set of office holders will be [persuaded?] still trusting that at the expiration of four years, new appointments will be made they have waited with patience.

5 A “hog reeve” was a town official charged with rounding up stray hogs and turning them over to the pound keeper, who fed them until they were claimed by the owner.

But now that Mr Wade has taken open ground of hostility to Mr Lincoln, it is hoped we may have speedy relief— Mr Wade could never have written such a document as the protest— Its subtle sophistry is Winter Davis,6 but the Malignity is Wades. If the President will permit such treason in the Camp, we might as well lay down our arms and surrender. I have seen no Copperhead attack half to malignant false, or mean as the assault of Wade & Davis, and unless the President takes hold of the matter & shows Mr Wade that he does not fear him, he might as well decline to run.

6 Henry Winter Davis

Every man who holds his appointment under Wade ought to be removed at once— It will not only bring him to terms, but will exert a most salutary influence— Indeed new appointments could be made that would help the cause powerfully— There is neither ability zeal, or material aid to be had from a single appointee that Wade has made And all that might be had by the exercise of Judicious patronage.

We need also a press here devoted to the cause and that we can entirly control, which we can have if we will. I send you a copy of the Cleveland Herald with some articles marked— We might have the entire control of this sheet— And it has the largest circulation of any paper in the State, but it needs some attention. I must further add, unless we can head off this attack of Wade's, the struggle will be doubtful. Let me hear from you immediately and I hope to be able in a short time to come to Washington

I am Very Truly

Yours &c

Geo B. Senter

From Daniel W. Wise to John G. Nicolay, August 17, 1864

Confidential

Boston, Aug. 17 1864.

Dear Sir—

By this mail I send you a copy of the next “Campaign Document”, entitled “Character & Public Services of Abraham Lincoln”,1 wh. we have gotten up for the coming campaign with the view of an extensive circulation— I have already interested prominent parties in it, & have no doubt but that it will be the means of much good. I think that the steel engraving likeness of the president, which it contains, is by far the best ever made of him—

1 This 76-page book was authored by William M. Thayer, and finally entitled, The Character and Public Services of Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States.

By your position & acquaintance can you influence any party or club, or assn. to interest themselves in its general distribution

If so, you might put them in direct communication with me—

I am desirous to see the President reelected, & am working steadily & earnestly for that purpose— As I have no office or favor to ask, it is wholly unselfish on my part—

I also mail a copy of the “Document” to the President, which please do me the favor to see that he gets—

I remain

Yours very Truly

Danl. W. Wise.

Abraham Lincoln, Letter to The Shakers [Copy in John Hay's Hand]1, August 8, 1864

1 Lincoln was apparently the recipient of a chair made and sent by a Shaker community. His secretary, John Hay, may well have drafted this acknowledgement, but nothing further is known about this matter.

Washington; August 8, 1864.

My good friends

I wish to express to you my cordial thanks for the very comfortable chair you sent me some time since and to tell you how gratefully I appreciate the kindness which prompted the present.

At the same time And I must beg that you will pardon the length of time that, through an oversight in my office, has elapsed without an acknowledgment of your kindne present kindness.

I am very truly

Yr. friend & Servt

From Cuthbert Bullitt to John G. Nicolay and John Hay, August 20, 1864

New Orleans Augt 20th 64

Gentlemen

Knowing how our worthy President;s pressed for time to Read the communications presented him, induces me to ask your polite attention to the enclosed communication, in reply to the attack of Thos. J Durant.1

1 Bullitt enclosed an article from the August 19, 1864 edition of The Daily True Delta, responding to a published letter of Durant which criticized Lincoln for vetoing the Wade-Davis bill.

It is useless to tell you that the protest of Winter Davis & Ben Wade emanates from Durant or rather it is a joint partnership concern—2

2 Henry Winter Davis and Benjamin F. Wade published, in the August 5 edition of the New York Tribune, a manifesto which condemned Lincoln's pocket veto of their bill establishing a congressional plan of reconstruction.

I wish to assist in overthrowing this trio, especially Mr Durant, who with his myrmidons in office here, (all Chase3 men) are determined to defeat Mr Lincoln — & there is no more affectual mode of doing it, than to publish Mr Durants letter to me in July 1862, which I forwarded to the President & which he answered,4 & is now in my possession, it is by the by one of the best letters ever written by Mr Lincoln, & ought to be presented to the public at this time—

3 Salmon P. Chase

4 Durant's letter to Bullitt, criticizing administration policies in Louisiana is not in this collection, but Lincoln's July 28 response to Bullitt is.

this letter of Mr Durant is some several pages long, in which he complains bitterly of the course pursued by the President, the Administration & the military, in fact his entire position, the reverse of what it is now,

We have to fight the enemy here, every foot of the ground, untill the election is over, & though Mr Lincolns friends are somewhat disapointed in his not turning his enemies out of office we do not despair—

If possible send Mr Durants letter by return mail as it will serve the cause of Mr Lincoln

Your Very Obt Servt

Cuthbert Bullitt

From Abraham Lincoln to Timothy P. Andrews [Copy in a Secretarial Hand]1, September 3 [1863]

1 Edward J. Mallett had already been named an official paymaster of volunteers in August of 1863, and he was, as requested, assigned to New York City. The wording of the recipient's copy, which is in Lincoln's autograph, is different from this file copy. See Collected Works, VI, 430.

Copy of letter on the appt of Gen Mallett

Executive Mansion

Septr 3d 186422

2 The date as originally written on this copy was “1864.” It was changed to “1862,” but the correct date is apparently 1863. See Collected Works, VI, 430.

Sir

I have to request that you will grant the application of Major Mallett, and assign him to duty in New York; if not inconsistent with, or injurious to the public service

A Lincoln

From Horace Greeley to John G. Nicolay, August 21, 1864

Conf'd'l.)

New York, Aug. 21, 1864.

My dear sir:

Say to the President that another Envoy, not from Jeff. Davis, but from the heart of the Confederacy and [looking?] to represent its Union element,1 has just arrived here, and that I have very high hopes that some good may come of R's mission2 in the way of dividing if not destroying the confederacy. I pray that he may, when be visits Washington, be so received as to strengthen the Unionists of the South.

1 The identity of this person is not known.

2 Lincoln conferred with Henry J. Raymond, editor of the New York Times, about a possible mission to Jefferson Davis to determine whether or not a peace conference could be arranged. No such mission took place. See Raymond to Lincoln, August 22, 1864; and Lincoln to Raymond, August 24, 1864.

Yours

Horace Greeley

From John G. Nicolay to William T. Otto1, August 22, 1864

1 Otto was Assistant Secretary of the Interior.

Washington, Aug. 22, 1864.

My dear Sir:

In accordance with our conversation of today, I will be obliged if you will have an appointment made out for Edward D. Neill of Minnesota to be Secretary to the President to sign Land Patents.2

2 Neill replaced William O. Stoddard.

I enclose the resignation of Mr. Neill as a second class clerk in your Department, and respectfully ask that you appoint Charles H. Philbrick,3 of Illinois, to fill this vacancy, as soon as he shall arrive here. I have written him today to come.

3 Philbrick replaced Nicolay as assistant to the Illinois Secretary of State in 1860, and in 1864 became assistant to Nicolay and Hay in the White House.

Your obt Servt

Prv. Sec.

From John G. Nicolay to Horace Greeley, August 23, 1864

Copy

Washington, Aug. 23, 1864.

I will be very glad to see the friend whom you mention in your note of the 21st inst., which is just received. Please give him a letter of introduction to me.1

1 See Greeley to Nicolay, August 21, 1864.

Jno. G. Nicolay

From William Dorsheimer to Abraham Lincoln1, August 24, 1864

1 Dorsheimer was a Buffalo, New York attorney, who had previously served as an aide to Gen. John C. Fremont.

Buffalo, Aug 24 1864.

Sir.

From a conversation with Mr. John T. Bush a respectable citizen living at Niagara Falls, and who is well known to Mr. Seward2 I learn that a good result may be obtained by making the Messrs Clay & Halcombe3 a statement of the correspondence between yourself and Mr. Greeley which you showed to me.4 If you think it proper I will explain to those gentlemen the essential points — to wit your instruction to Mr. Greeley to read to them the letters which had passed between you and him and the misunderstanding which was produced by this neglect to read. As your conversation with me was quite unreserved I do not feel at liberty to report any portion of it without your permission.

2 William H. Seward

3 Clement C. Clay and James P. Holcombe were two of several Confederate representatives in Canada at this time who were making contact with Northern Peace Democrats and Radical Republicans in the United States.

4 Several letters that passed between Lincoln and Greeley regarding the abortive peace conference at Niagara Falls are in the collection. See especially, Greeley to Lincoln, July 7, 1864; and Lincoln to Greeley, July 9, 1864.

During the interview I had with you, you told me that you knew Mr. Davis5 would not entertain a proposition for peace on the basis of the Union. I am led to believe that Messrs Clay & Halcombe are willing to furnish to me the means of removing this impression from your mind. You will remember that you expressed to me the strongest desire to have such a proposition made by Mr. Davis. If I can have your consent to make the attempt I think I can procure through Messrs Clay & Holcombe a satisfactory assurance that Mr Davis is willing to open negotiations by conceding the reestablishment of the Union.

5 Jefferson Davis

I do not ask you to give me any official character but merely your permission to explain the correspondence above mentioned to them as you explained it to me, And also to tell them that you do not believe Mr Davis is willing to return to the Union.

A telegraphic despatch from you saying “you may do so” will answer the purpose I have in view. My reason for asking for a telegraphic reply is that I should prefer to go to Niagara next Saturday.6

6 See John G. Nicolay to William Dorsheimer, August 27, 1864.

I am confident that in addressing you in this way I lay myself open to the imputation of being impertinent and offensive and I have written to you in consequence of the strong and earnest representations which have been made to me.

Very Truly

Your Servant

William Dorsheimer

From John G. Nicolay to William Dorsheimer1, August 27, 1864

1 Dorsheimer was a Buffalo, New York attorney, who had previously served as an aide to Gen. John C. Fremont.

Washington, Aug 27, 1864.

Dear Sir;

Your letter of the 24th inst. was not received until this morning2 The President directs me to Thank you for your kind offer, and suggestion, but thinks the step you propose had better not be taken, because the danger of further complication from it is much greater than the promise of any good results.

2 See Dorsheimer to Lincoln, August 24, 1864.

Your obt Servt

Priv Sec

From John D. Defrees to Abraham Lincoln, August 29, 1864

Washington, Aug. 29 1864.

Dear Sir:

I hand you a list of Regiments which Colfax1 wants home to save him.2 If they cannot be at home he will be defeated — only than can be a special interference of Divine Providence — for which I don't look.

1 Schuyler Colfax

2 Indiana troops were not allowed to vote in the field, and many in that state were fearful that without the soldier vote in the October elections, many Union candidates would go down to defeat. In the end, as many Indiana men as could be spared from the army were granted furloughs to go home in time for the elections. See Colfax to Lincoln, July 25, 1864.

Please put it where it will be the most effectual.

Yours Truly &c

Jno. D. Defrees.

From Waldo Hutchins to John G. Nicolay1, August 29, 1864

1 Hutchins was a New York City lawyer and a member of the city's park commission.

New-York, August 29. 1864.

My dear Sir,

I returned this morning and found my views of last week fully confirmed. Too much apathy prevails here among the friends of the Administration, while activity is quite apparent among its enemies.

McClellan2 will probably be nominated, but he can be beaten. Whatever platform is provided for him, it will be beyond his strength to answer all the expectations growing out of his nomination.

2 George B. McClellan

What we need here, at this time, is an earnest and telling demonstration of the Union sentiments of the People.

Farragut3 and Grant4 are daily furnishing materials to render such a movement a great success. We look also for something brilliant speedily from Sherman.5

3 David G. Farragut

4 Ulysses S. Grant

5 William T. Sherman

We can easily bring together a vast Assemblage of the People to celebrate victories in the Field and on the water, and to re-affirm their confidence in the Administration.

We ought to hold such a meeting sometime during the ensuing two weeks. It must be an outburst of the popular feeling and not a mere formal political gathering.

With the aid of a few leading orators — of whom we must borrow one or more from Washington — and a skilfully arranged programme, we can easily present an array of political strength, moral influence and solid power, that will effectually encourage our friends and dishearten our enemies, throughout the country.

Will you aid us by your influence with Judge Holt.6 If he will come here on a short notice and address a Meeting, he can effectually aid us. He has great popularity here.

6 Joseph Holt

I hope he may be willing to come at this important juncture. Generals Butler7 and Sickles8 can both render efficient aid, and I feel sure they will come, if their services can be spared elsewhere. It is well to bring out some of the War Democrats at this time.

7 Benjamin F. Butler

8 Daniel E. Sickles

Please advise me of your views.

This community of ours is apt to be influenced by a show of popular strength and feelings on occasions like the present; and such a display is greatly needed at this moment.

I anticipate important and beneficial results from the consultation in progress when I left Washington, and sincerely hope it may terminate auspiciously.

I have seen Mr Greeley9 since my return. He is much pleased with the progress already made. If his presence in Washington is desired by the President, he will cheerfully come on. I think it would be well to ask him to do so, and think that will put him at case, whether he comes or not. He is earnestly desirous of effecting a good result.

9 Horace Greeley

The Union Cause is clearly gathering strength, and there can scarcely be a surer evidence of brightening prospects than the recent marked decline in gold.

I am, Respectfully & truly,

Yours,

Waldo Hutchins

From John G. Nicolay to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1, August 29, 1864

1 In the midst of a particularly close presidential re-election campaign, there was considerable pressure on the President from the William H.Seward-Thurlow Weed faction in New York to replace Hiram Barney, a supporter of Salmon P. Chase, as Collector of the Port of New York. Lincoln sent Nicolay to New York to negotiate changes in the New York Custom House that would placate Weed without excessively alienating other New York factions. See also John G. Nicolay to Lincoln, August 30 and 31, 1864.

Confidential

Astor House

New York, Aug. 29, 1864.

Mr. President:

I did not reach here until noon today, in consequence of the late train of last night coming no farther than Philadelphia.

I have seen no one yet but Mr. Raymond2 and Mr. Weed,3 and several influential men from the country, who were in Mr. Raymond's office when I went there.

2 Henry J. Raymond

3 Thurlow Weed

Raymond is still of opinion that the changes contemplated should be made at once, although he does not seem to have conferred with any one, except Weed, who joins him very decidedly in the same belief. I myself asked Mr. Weed the distinct question whether the change ought to be made now, or after the election, and he answered, now by all means.

The conference of Raymond and Sherman4 with him this morning of course apprised him that the step was in contemplation. I do not know through whose instrumentality it was, but somehow Mr. Draper5 has been informed that you were thinking of appointing him Surveyor, and he and some of his friends are stirring up a new difficulty by announcing and insisting that he will decline it. I enclose a letter to you on the subject from Draper's bosom friend, Moses H. Grinell, who had just brought it to Mr. Weed to be forwarded to you when I saw him.6

4 Isaac Sherman was a New York businessman and an administration supporter.

5 Simeon Draper

6 See Moses H. Grinnell to Lincoln, August 29, 1864.

There is however still a chance that Draper will re-consider this determination. If he does not than I advise, on the strength of what I have heard today, that you accept his declension as final, and leave him out in the cold until he becomes more tractable.7 I will write more fully of this tomorrow.

7 Draper was not appointed Surveyor. However, when Barney resigned his post as Collector early in September, the position was given to Draper.

I hope Fenton8 may come on tonight, as we thought he would, so that I may have his advice in the matter tomorrow.

8 Reuben E. Fenton

Your obt. Servt

Jno. G. Nicolay

[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]

Custom House

From John G. Nicolay to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1, August 30, 1864

1 In the midst of a particularly close presidential re-election campaign, there was considerable pressure on the President from the William H. Seward-Thurlow Weed faction in New York to replace Hiram Barney, a supporter of Salmon P. Chase, as Collector of the Port of New York. Lincoln sent Nicolay to New York to negotiate changes in the New York Custom House that would placate Weed without excessively alienating other New York factions. See also John G. Nicolay to Lincoln, August 29 and 31, 1864.

New-York Aug. 30th 1864

Mr. President:

Mr. Fenton2 arrived here this morning and had a conversation with Weed,3 in which he urged upon Weed his reasons in detail for against any changes in the Custom House at this time. Mr. Weed heard him through, admitted there was much force in what he said, but was not convinced. In a conversation with me, afterwards, Mr. Weed repeated what he said to me yesterday, that changes were absolutely necessary and would be productive of much good. Delafield Smith,4 and Mr. Evarts5 also concur with Weed. Gov. Morgan6 was here at the Astor House a little while this evening. I talked with him on the subject and while he seemed to have no definite impressions as to what really was best to be done, he said he would stand by whatever you might do. I saw Greeley7 yesterday and today; I did not talk very fully with him on this matter but gathered from what he said, that while he did not see much good likely to result from changes, yet that Barney8 was not good for anything.

2 Reuben E. Fenton

3 Thurlow Weed

4 Edward Delafield Smith was U. S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York.

5 William M. Evarts

6 Edwin D. Morgan

7 Horace Greeley

8 Hiram Barney

On the whole I have concluded that I will endeavor to see Barney and Andrews9 as early as I can tomorrow, if they are in the City, and ask them for their resignations in accordance with your instructions.

9 Rufus F. Andrews was Surveyor of the Port of New York.

Almost all those with whom I have consulted, however, united in saying that, excepting the collector and Surveyor, there should be very few, if any other changes in their subordinates. Those who are in should have the hope of being kept in as a motive for work, while those who are out should have the hope of being put in to prompt them. The new appointees of Collector and Surveyor should receive instructions from yourself on this point.

Mr. Evarts is very earnest that Draper10 should be made collector instead of Wakeman.11

10 Simeon Draper

11 Abram Wakeman

Gov. Morgan and Senator Morrill12 have been through most of the New England States. They report an improved state of feeling in all respects, and say we will certainly Maine at the approaching September election, by a good majority.

12 Lot M. Morrill

In my conversation with Mr. Greeley I urged upon him the necessity of fighting in good earnest in this campaign. He said in reply “I shall fight like a savage in this campaign. I hate McClellan.”13

13 George B. McClellan

Mr. Weed and Gov. Morgan concur in the opinion that Preston King will not take the Post Office in this city. Gov. Morgan suggests James Kelley14 instead.

14 James Kelly, a member of the New York Republican Central Committee, received the appointment.

I send this by Robert. If I get matters arranged satisfactorily I may start home tomorrow night — if not I will stay another day unless you telegraph for me.

Your obt Servt

Jno. G. Nicolay

[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]

Custom House

From John G. Nicolay to Abraham Lincoln, August 31, 1864

Confidential

Astor House, New York

August 31st 1864.

Mr. President:

I called on Mr. Barney1 today and gave him your message. He said he desired a few days of time in which he might prepare his papers, accounts &c for the change, and suggested that he would tender his resignation today to take effect on the 5th of Sept., to which I agreed, and he has forwarded the resignation to the Secretary of the Treasury by tonights mail.2 He was at first a little surprised and disposed to temporize about it — suggesting that he would like to go to Washington to confer with you on the subject, &c — but at length acquiesced very cheerfully, saying that he should still do all he could for you and the cause and should retain all his personal friendship and esteem for you.

1 Hiram Barney

2 In the midst of a particularly close presidential re-election campaign, there was considerable pressure on the President from the William H. Seward-Thurlow Weed faction in New York to replace Hiram Barney, a supporter of Salmon P. Chase, as Collector of the Port of New York. Lincoln had sent Nicolay to New York to negotiate changes in the New York Custom House that would placate Weed without excessively alienating other New York factions. See also John G. Nicolay to Lincoln, August 29 and 30, 1864.

Mr. Andrews3 whom I have also seen did not accede to your request. He spoke of it as a sacrifice demanded by Mr. Weed4 to gratify his personal ill-will towards him — said you were mistaken in supposing Mr. Weed controlled the politics of the state — said that if you would wait until after the coming state convention, and were not convinced that he (Andrews) carried the convention against Weed he would willingly resign &c.

3 Rufus F. Andrews was Surveyor of the Port of New York. His resignation was also requested.

4 Thurlow Weed

He finally left me without saying what he would do, but afterwards sent me the letter which I enclose.5

5 See Andrews to Nicolay, August 31, 1864; Andrews and Richard Busteed to Lincoln, September 1, 1864; and Busteed to Nicolay, September 9, 1864.

He said however that even if you removed him, he should support yourself and the ticket.

My impression tonight is that you will do best to adhere to your original programme, although Mr. Weed and some of his friends have mooted the proposition to make Dennison6 collector, Draper7 Surveyor, Naval Officer, and Wakeman8 Surveyor. Weed told me this afternoon that he thought Draper would agree to this. I am also informed that Wakeman would be satisfied with it.9

6 George S. Denison

7 Simeon Draper

8 Abram Wakeman

9 In the end, Draper was appointed Collector, and Wakeman was made Surveyor.

But I still think that if you adhere to the original plan, Mr. Draper will finally acquiesce, although he now seems firm in his determination to decline.

I shall stay here over tomorrow. Shall I come home tomorrow night, or shall I remain longer, to lok after this and other matters? Please telegraph.

Your obt servt

Jno. G. Nicolay

Mr. Neill10

10 Edward D. Neill of Minnesota replaced William O. Stoddard as a presidential secretary.

Please hand this to the President at once

From J. H. Puleston to John G. Nicolay1, [August 1864]

1 J. Henry Puleston was a reporter for the Philadelphia North American.

New-York

My dear Nicolay

Obliged to go suddenly right off will return tomorrow. A friend of mine just in from the West says that a Petition is going the rounds, & very numerously signed asking Mr. Lincoln to resign being a candidate2 &c and that Gov. Andrew's3 private secretary is there helping to circulate it— This may be exaggerated or all bosh, but I thought it best to give you the story as twas given me.

2 On August 18 a group of Radicals met in New York looking for a way to supplant Lincoln as the Republican candidate in 1864. One result of this meeting was a circular letter calling for a new convention to be held in September.

3 John A. Andrew

Yours ever

J. H. Puleston

I hope to find you here tomorrow.

From Edward McPherson to John G. Nicolay, September 2, 1864

Gettysburg, PA

Sept. 2/64

My dear Sir—

You will do the Prest a real service by calling his attention to a late order of the War Dept. requiring all promoted officers to be numbered for three years from the date of the commission, instead of for the balance of the term for which parties enlisted.1 —This order is made to have a retroactive effect; & they officers are to be held for longer service than the contract requires, & this without their consent.

1 Circular No. 61, issued by the Adjutant General's office on August 2, 1864, stipulated that no musters for “the unexpired term of an organization” were authorized. See the text of the circular in Official Records, Series III, Volume 4, 566.

The order is bad enough as applicable to the future; & I am impressed from Harrisburg that hundreds of commissions have been returned unaccepted since the promulgation of the order — parties (non-comd officers, often) prefering to forego promotion rather than submit to the condition now sought to be imposed.—

There is great dissatisfaction (as an illustration) in the 87th regt P V., all of whose officers, except one, are reached by the order. Their term of service will soon be out; & these officers, who accepted their commissions under the old ways, are unwilling to be retained. —They affect public sentiment at home. —I know, great mischief will ensue, if the retroactive feature of that order be retained.— It is a question, whether we can endure this trouble, too, because it neutralizes & dissatisfies generally, our best men.

Please have this looked after; for it is important and only to us, but in every state.

Very respy

Edw. McPherson

From John J. Meier to Abraham Lincoln, September 2, 1864

Honoured Sir

I take the liberty to enclose to your care Five dollars, being the proceeds of some German currency, sent to me by my only child, James B Meier, for the last eighteen months at school in Düsseldorf.

He writes me that he has been “saving up his pennies”, in order that he might “help the sick and wounded of our brave boys, fighting for the glorious cause of truth and freedom” as he is “not yet old enough to fight”

Will you respected sir accept my “Boys offering”, even tho' the small and may I ask of you the great favour of one word of acknowledgment, in his behalf, it will tend to encourage our true hearted girls & boys in our Sunday Schools, and especially of the Plymouth church SS (Mr Beechers)1 of which my Boy was a member, he need in these times of fearful trial, to use any legitimate means to inculcate and energize the doctrine of a true “God fearing patriotism” And especially among our rising youth throughout the land.

1 Henry Ward Beecher

Permit me to add one word. My Father died here at the age of 86 praying for the blessing of Heaven upon yourself and our beloved adopted country, he was one of the earliest signers of the first petitions that was presented to the British Parliament praying for the abolition of the Slave trade.

We are Scotch and have lived in this blessed land over 30 years and our “Clan” of relatives will muster over 50 votes, loyal and true for your honored name, the coming election, as they did on the previous one, and some of them have sealed their title to the “good cause” in many a hard fought field during the last three years—

And now may the God of Abraham Isaac & Jacob be your support & comfort and everlasting succor. And may our eventual “peace” be the “work of righteousness” in “quietness and assurance forever”2

2 See Lincoln to Meier, September 6, 1864.

I am honoured Sir

Your prayerful well wisher and

obt. servant

John J. Meier

Brooklyn L I

51 Columbia St.

Septr 2d 1864

From Horace Greeley to John G. Nicolay, September 4, 1864

New York, Sept. 4, 1864.

My dear sir:

I enclose you documents just received from Col. William A. Phillips,1 commanding at Fort Smith, charging and [pressing?] villainy and corruption in the management of Military and Indian affairs in that quarter which demands prompt and thorough attention. I know Col. Phillips; and, if he is not an honest man, then am I greatly deceived.

1 Phillips was a former lawyer and editor from Illinois who had gone to Kansas in 1855 as a correspondent of the New York Tribune.

He asked me to visit Washington on this business; but I am obliged to go to Syracuse to our state Convention, and cannot go southward at present. I pray you, therefore, to place the accompanying papers from Col. Phillips and see they will receive prompt and proper attention. I guarantee his truthfulness and worth.

I have today seen Mr. Bayler. He is disappointed that no notice has yet been taken of his overture. Let me once more pray the President, through you to issue promptly some proffer or proposition to the South to stop this useless carnage and return to Union and peace. Rely on it, the Atlanta triumph2 will prove a disaster if it be not generously improved to show that we are anxious for peace.

2 Atlanta had fallen to Sherman's army on September 2.

Yours,

Horace Greeley

From Frederick A. Conkling to Horace Greeley1, September 3, 1864

1 Conkling was colonel of the 84th New York Infantry, and was a former congressman from that state.

Private

Great Falls, Md

Headquarters 84th Regt.

N.Y.S.N.Y.

Sept 3. 1864

My dear sir,

Several days ago in writing to you I took occasion to mention that a noted spy was to be hung &c. Yesterday I had orders to report at headquarters. While there Genl. Augur's2 chief of staff mentioned that at half past 9 o'clk; on Wednesday morning last, just half an hour before the execution was ordered to take place, the president sent a reprieve (!) of this scoundrel.3

2 Christopher C. Augur

3 On August 28, Lincoln commuted the death sentences of four Confederate spies to imprisonment at hard labor for the duration of the war. Conkling is undoubtedly referring to one of these men. See Collected Works, VII, 522.

In speaking of this case, the other day, I simply remarked that the prisoner was captured by my pickets. The fact is that the arrest was made under circumstances of great dificulty & peril by one of my men in the night— The prisoner being armed with a Colt Navy Revolver (6 shooter) He was tried by an able Court Martial & after a patient hearing was found guilty of being a spy within our lines (he was admits that he belongs to White's Cavalry & it is certain that he is a commissioned officer) & was accordingly sentenced to suffer the extreme penalty of the law. It is under these circumstances that the executive arm is interposed to deprive the gallows of its own. I am satisfied that this system of triffling has been an bane ever since the war commenced & that under it the war will never be ended with honor.

Very Truly yours

F. A. Conkling

From Abraham Lincoln to John J. Meier [Copy in John G. Nicolay's Hand]1, September 6, 1864

1 Lincoln replies here to John J. Meier to Lincoln, September 2, 1864, in which Meier remitted five dollars in German currency which his son in Germany had saved in behalf of sick and wounded Union soldiers.

Washington, Sept 6, 1864.

Dear Sir

You write me under date of the 2d inst. that your boy who is at school at Dusseldorf, has for the last eighteen months been “saving up his pennies,” and has sent you the proceeds, amounting to five dollars which you enclose, to “help the sick and wounded of our brave boys fighting for the glorious cause of truth and freedom” as he is himself “not yet old enough to fight.”

The amount is duly received and shall be devoted to the object indicated. I thank your boy, not only for myself, but also for all the children of the nation, who are even more interested than those we those of us, of maturer age, that this war shall be successful, and the Union be maintained and perpetuated.

Yours truly.

From John G. Nicolay to Theodore Tilton1, September 6, 1864

1 Tilton, a Radical Republican and editor of the New York Independent, had been opposed to Lincoln's renomination.

Confidential

Washington, September 6th, 1864.

My dear Tilton;

There is no truth whatever in the report that Mr Lincoln said he was “a beaten man”. I felt quite sure of it, when I saw you, though of course I could not positively know the fact as I do now. We have encouraging news from all quarters. The Atlanta victory2 alone, ought to win the Presidential contest for us.

2 Atlanta had fallen to Sherman's army on September 2.

Yours truly

(signed) Jno G Nicolay

From J. H. Puleston to John G. Nicolay1, [September 5] 1864

1 J. Henry Puleston was a reporter for the Philadelphia North American.

New York Monday 1864

My dear Nicolay—

I was sorry to leave without seeing you last week and sorry to find you have left a few minutes before I arrived on Friday — nothing important, however— Thy Campaign is assuming a very cheerful aspect— The recent satisfactory military news2 has given the friends of the administration additional encouragement. Weed3 has written a good letter which will appear today or tomorrow and every thing seems from this standpoint to be working well for Mr: Lincoln— I understand McClellan4 is to write his letter of acceptance in season for the Maine Election,5 and that he is waiting now only for Dean Richmond.6 I am led to believe that his letter will set forth that he will not under any circumstance agree to any armistice or compromise based upon disunion— That the rebels should have every protection & right “under the constitution” & that unless they concur in this the rebellion shall be put down at all hazards. The peace platform will be practically ignored and Pendleton7 it is said has acquiesced to be governed by the sentiment of McClellan's letter. This at least is the programme given me today by a very prominent Copperhead who is inside the ring. They say that now the campaign has opened the regular peace men will be forced to acquiesce &c. It looks, however as favorable for Mr. Lincoln as you could wish & I cannot see a possibility now of McClellan's Election. I think we ought to have captured the “Herald”— An article in yesterdays (I have not seen today's yet) looked towards the Support of our Enemies— It is certain we could have had it and perhaps it is not yet too late. You are probably aware that Genl. Butler8 was here to consult his friends about accepting a Presidential nomination— Weed had him for about 6 hours on Saturday and finally he (Butler) agreed to postpone further consideration of the question for Ten days. His friends argue that he could get votes enough to throw the election into the House. If I were you I would send some good men to see him — he is worth conciliating, no matter what becomes of his intentions in this matter Gov. Andrew9 is reported as being still very hostile to Mr. Lincoln & his private Secretary is travelling West doing of course no good, though my judgment is that before anything can be done towards bringing out any other candidate Mr. Lincoln will be too firmly entrenched to give any dissension promise of success. I suppose a strong systematic effort to circulate Documents in the country places will be made at once. In my wanderings I have not seen any yet.

2 The most recent “satisfactory” news was the fall of Atlanta to Sherman's army on September 2.

3 Thurlow Weed

4 George B. McClellan

5 The final draft of McClellan's letter accepting the Democratic presidential nomination was completed on September 8. The Maine state elections were held on September 12.

6 Richmond was chairman of the New York Democratic state central committee.

7 George H. Pendleton

8 Benjamin F. Butler

9 John A. Andrew

I told you Curtin10 telegraphed me to meet him here— He did not come Saturday before I left but I saw him last night. He was quite ill & his Physician ordered him to Saratoga & elsewhere for a quiet trip of a week. He left this morning and wants me to join about Wednesday— I may possibly do so— I want to have an opportunity of conversing with him more fully in the political campaign. Pennsylvania is unquestionably a doubtful state and we cannot afford to overlook the importance of securing her vote— I regret very much as you know the trouble always between Curtin & the Secretary of War, but the latter has really forced the former into a bitter antagonism. Curtin feels very keenly the fact that every officer & soldier from Penna entertains The belief that the Governor's influence in their behalf would rather injure than serve them with the war dept. and he has been worked up one way and another into an unpleasant state of feeling, but he is alive alive to the importance of this contest & of course feels the necessity of defeating the Chicago Scheme of breaking up the country—11 I believe he will work zealously to that end. As for myself any thing you think I can do in my humble way to serve the good cause I will do very gladly— We must whip the Northern Enemies of the country as well as the Southern rebels and all who are sincerely for the country must come in & lend a helping hand or go under— All will come in you may depend upon it, no matter what they now say or do.

10 Andrew G. Curtin

11 One plank of the 1864 Democratic platform called for an unconditional armistice between North and South.

Of course I write you privately, though I am afraid I have written nothing here worth your time in reading it—

Yours very truly

J. H. P.

From Theodore Tilton to John G. Nicolay1, September 6, 1864

1 Tilton, a Radical Republican and editor of the New York Independent, had been opposed to Lincoln's renomination.

No. 5 Beekman St., New York,

Sept. 6. 1864.

My dear Nicolay,

I thank you for your note.2 If the President has not said that he was “a beaten man”, he will hereafter have no occasion to say it. We are going to win the Presidential election. The divisions are going to be healed. I have never seen such a sudden lighting up of the public mind as since the late victory at Atlanta.3 This great event, following the Chicago platform4 — the most villanous political manifesto known to American history! — has secured a sudden unanimity for Mr. Lincoln. As for myself, never having been a partisan for Mr Lincoln's re-election, but the reverse, I shall give all the influence I can use, for the triumph of the Baltimore platform and candidates.5 I have blown the trumpet heartily in to-day's Independent. Rather than have Chicago and McClellan triumph,6 I would cheerfully give up my life, with only an hour's preparation for death. My hands are tired with writing private letters, far & near, counseling all my friends to unite on Mr. Lincoln.

2 See Nicolay to Tilton, September 6, 1864.

3 The city of Atlanta fell to Sherman's army on September 2, 1864.

4 The 1864 Democratic platform, adopted at Chicago, contained a plank calling for an immediate end to the war and a negotiated peace.

5 The Union Party convention that nominated Lincoln met in Baltimore.

6 George B. McClellan

Yours Ever,

Theodore Tilton

P.S. Every New England Governor (except Vermont) writes to me, in answer to the letter of which I spoke, that the only thing remaining to be done is to write heartily on Mr Lincoln, giving no thought to any one else, and making sucess certain.

I told you that that letter would spike the gun of the Cincinnati convention!7

7 Certain Radicals, opposed to Lincoln's re-election, attempted to call a second convention, to meet in Cincinnati, which would replace the President with a more acceptable candidate. Union military victories deflated the movement before it was able to accomplish any of its ends.

I will bet a red apple that that convention will not be held!

From Richard Busteed to John G. Nicolay1, September 9, 1864

1 Busteed, a New York lawyer and former brigadier general of volunteers, was appointed by Lincoln in September 1863 to the bench of the U. S. District Court of Alabama.

New York-137 Broadway.

September 9th 1864.

My Dear Sir:

During your recent visit to this city, I called several times upon you at the Astor House, and waited several hours to see you. I exceedingly regret the mischance which prevented a personal conference. I write you now, because I may, in this manner, communicate my deliberate and well-considered opinion upon the subject of that visit.

There are some things that have a direct bearing on the matter, which I cannot write, but there are other, and enough, which I may properly put upon paper.

I think I can feel the public pulse of this city, and ascertain its condition, with tolerable accuracy. I imagine I know what is really thought of the public men of this State. My own position creates no personal antagonisms, and enables me to view the whole field, from an excellent point d'appui'. God knows I desire nothing, as much as the success of the Union Cause in the approaching Presidential contest. I expect to labor for it with all the industry, and whatever of ability, I can summon to its aid. To be successful, however, we must not create any new hostilities. Our enemies must be our natural foes, not those of our own household. So much by way of preface.

Now to the matter at hand.

Rufus F. Andrews, the Surveyor of this Port, is, and has been, an active, indefatgable and liberal supporter of the Administration. I know of what I write, when I say that, of his own means, as contradistinguished from funds collected from his subordinates, he has contributed more than all the other federal office-holders in this city. He has been instant, in season and out of season; — everywhere, and at all times, an outspoken and eloquent advocate of the cause and the administrators of the Government. He stumped the states of New Hampshire and Connecticut with me, and rendered most efficient service in both, and at his own cost and charge. In this city, too, he has always been in the foremost rank of the devoted friends of the Government. To remove such a man from office, at any time, would be a misfortune to the adherents of our cause, and to the cause itself.2 To remove him now, would be an irreparable mischief.

2 In the midst of a particularly close presidential re-election campaign, there was considerable pressure on the President from the William H. Seward-Thurlow Weed faction in New York to replace Hiram Barney, a supporter of Salmon P. Chase, as Collector of the Port of New York. Barney was asked to resign as was Rufus F. Andrews. See also John G. Nicolay to Lincoln, August 29 and 30, 1864.

You are a young man, and I am not an old one. The work of the party must be done by men under sixty years of age. This is not the day of effete politicians, however useful they may have been in their own generation, and I tell you, and I only tell you because I deem it my duty to tell you so, that the removal of Andrews, at the dictation of Mr. Weed,3 or of any of his personal or political enemies, would be the profoundest error into which our good President could fall.

3 Thurlow Weed

This state is anti-Weed. The bone and sinew, the brain and heart, of the state is not under his control. Witness the proceedings of the State Convention that has just closed its labors at Syracuse. The delegation headed by Andrews successful in every thing it attempted to compass, and my own nomination of Horace Greely for Elector at large, received by the convention with the wildest enthusiasm, and getting a much larger vote than his co-adjutor on the Electoral ticket.

If straws show which way the wind blows, surely, ponderous trees, floating on its surface, indicate in which direction the current runs.

Ponder, my dear Nicolay, these facts, and give to the President, who I was unfortunate enough not to see when last in Washington, the benefit of their knowledge. Above all, I beg that the return for fidelity to party, and official duty, may not be followed by dismissal from office. Men are but human at best, and the sacrifice of Andrews, I tell you, would be the signal for a most serious defection, and the angriest contentions among those who now rank as warm friends of the President.4

4 See also Andrews to Nicolay, August 31, 1864; and Andrews and Busteed to Lincoln, September 1, 1864.

Very Truly Yours,

Richard Busteed

From Waldo Hutchins to John G. Nicolay1, September 9, 1864

1 Hutchins was a New York City lawyer and a member of the city's park commission.

New-York, September 9. 1864.

My Dear Sir,

I returned this morning from the Syracuse Convention; and have great pleasure in stating to you that the prospects of the Union Cause in this State are highly encouraging and steadily improving.

Mr Fenton,2 the Candidate for Governor, is strong in the interior, and stands well with the people in this part of the State. The ticket generally is a popular one, and will detract nothing from the National strength. A vigorous canvass will commence at once, and we think that it will open against an opposing Candidate already half beaten. The Ratification McClellan Meeting last evening was far from a success. The representative Democrats of the City do not appear on the record of proceedings. Less than a dozen of such names as have heretofore given influence and character to public demonstrations are to be found among the officers or Speakers.

2 Reuben E. Fenton

The letter signed by General McClellan3 will not repair the damage he has already received at the hands of Grant, Sherman and Farragut,4 especially from the pen as well as from the sword of the Lieut. General.5 The Letter just published contains a few telling sentiments which will cut to the very heart of the Peace Candidate. It is exceedingly effective and will do great good to the Union Cause.

3 George B. McClellan's letter accepting the Democratic presidential nomination was completed on September 8.

4 Recent Union military successes had enhanced Lincoln's chances for the upcoming presidential election. Especially helpful was the capture of Atlanta on September 2 by William T. Sherman, and the victory of Union naval forces at Mobile Bay on August 5 under David G. Farragut.

5 An August 16 letter from Grant to Elihu B. Washburne was published on September 9 in the Chicago Tribune and other papers, in which the General commented on the dilapidated condition of the rebel army and the hopes that the South placed on a Democratic victory in the presidential election.

We shall probably hold our first Ratification Meeting during the ensuing week; and I beg to repeat my former request that you will aid us in Securing the presence of two or three good Speakers. Judge Holt6 especially for one.

6 Joseph Holt

I shall be glad to receive any suggestions from you; and do not hesitate to assure you that public sentiment as developed here, runs strongly with the Union Cause.

I, am, Respectfully,

and truly,

Yours,

W. Hutchins

From [C. M.] Walker to John G. Nicolay1, September 9, 1864

1 Charles Manning Walker, an Ohio journalist, was 5th Auditor of the Treasury from 1862 until 1869.

Treasury Department,

5th Auditor's Office.

Dear Nicolay:

A friend of mine has just told me that there will be published in the Tribune of today a letter from Grant2 to Washburne3 (read by my friend last night,) saying that the rebels now man their works with boys and old men — that they have robbed the cradle and the grave (Grants words) to fill their armies — that they are losing 1000 men a day by desertion, & other losses — that their only hope is to hold out till the Election when they hope their “friends at the North” will succeed in which event they will have a peace on the basis of the North paying for all slaves lost during the war & making the Northern states a hunting ground for negroes in the future—4

2 Ulysses S. Grant

3 Elihu B. Washburne

4 The letter was published in the Chicago Tribune on September 9 and it also appeared in several other newspapers.

So writes Grant!

Yours

Walker

From Simon Cameron to John G. Nicolay, September 11, 1864

Philadelphia, Sep. 11. 1864.

Dear Sir:

The meeting of last night was the largest ever assembled here. It come upon a weeks notice, and seemed to be an uprising of the people. None of the old leaders were on the ground.— They were not yet ready for a committal — but to-day they are jubilant — and to-morrow they will claim to have never wavered.

I think it is an indication of the sentiment at the bottom of the great public heart, which always controls when properly touched.

I hope you have arranged the matters in the Lehigh & Montgomery district. I do not know anything of so much importance as to beat the unhappy feuds there, & this will do it.— If you notify the leaders now, and at once. If it is delayed they will wrangle again. We have called a meeting in the district for the 17th in anticipation of the reconciliation, and to bind it so that it must be done before that Genl Fry1 sometimes hesitates and therefore I press upon you to see to it. Mr Lewis,2 lives in the adjourning district, and knowing the parties, & the importance of the matter is ready and willing to act — but it is a joint concern, for the two counties and he cannot move alone.

1 Jacob Fry, Jr., of Montgomery County, was a former congressman and auditor general of Pennsylvania.

2 The identity of “Mr. Lewis” is not known.

Please say to the President that I am grealy encouraged as in the by the promptness which he and Stanton3 & you evinced to remove all the obstructions I laid before you — and especially by the meeting of last night.

3 Edwin M. Stanton

The acquisition of Cessna4 who has acted with the democracy up to this time, is invaluable. He is a man of talents, great will — and energy — has been Speaker of the House, — and is known all over the state. He has promised me to canvass any county in which I may desire him. He decided to go with us, only last wednesday night.

4 John Cessna, former Speaker of the Pennsylvania House, had been a Democrat and was a delegate to both the Charleston and Baltimore conventions in 1860. He switched to the Republican party in 1864.

Very truly yr

Simon Cameron

From Titian J. Coffey to John G. Nicolay1, September 11, 1864

1 Coffey was Assistant Attorney General of the United States.

Philadelphia Pa

11 Sept. 1864

My Dear Sir

I told you last week that our prospects for the political campaign were favorable in Penna. I now write to say that after last night's demonstration here, there can be no doubt whatever that we will carry the State by a splendid majority— In numbers, enthusiasm and the spirit that presages victory, the meeting exceeded any demonstration we have ever had in the exciting preiods of our most triumphant campaigns— Our friends were electrified by the result— The whole city seemed to be out and Independence square was actually crowded— Cessna,2 the first speaker, was the leader of the Penna delegation at the Charleston Convention in 1860 and has never before, acted with us— He awaited the action at Chicago before leaving the Democracy and bolted because he could not go the Peace platform.

2 John Cessna, former Speaker of the Pennsylvania House, had been a Democrat and was a delegate to both the Charleston and Baltimore conventions in 1860. He switched to the Republican party in 1864.

These local details may not interest you, but to us, who know the state, they are the sure evidences that Mr Lincoln will carry Penna by a large majority in November. We know that this is now beyond question—

I sat down only to give you this information, but now that my hand is in I will take leave to suggest that we are all very desirous here that Major Taggart,3 Paymaster at this place, should not be sent out of the State during the campaign— I learn that an order had issued for his transfer to St. Louis, but that the President had countermanded it & promised to do so— Major T. is one of our most active Republicans and, in his own part of the State, our main reliance— He is devoted to the interests of Mr Lincoln and will work in the cause con amore— I pray you then, if the order for his removal to St. Louis has not been countermanded, to remind the President of it and have it done— Other Paymaster's can do as well at St. Louis, but none who may be sent here can do his work in our campaign— The Pay Department, as Maj. Hodge4 who rules in this matter, may not appreciate this reason, and perhaps, out of regard to McClellan's5 interests might be glad to make it a ground for insisting on Taggart's removal, but you and the President can appreciate it and therefore I state it to you frankly— We mean to carry this State, and we mean also to ask frankly for every thing that can help us from Washington—

3 David Taggart, paymaster at Philadelphia, had been the speaker of the Pennsylvania Senate before the war.

4 Maj. John L. Hodge

5 George B. McClellan

Yours very truly & respectfully

T. J. Coffey

From Horace Greeley to John G. Nicolay, September 11, 1864

New York, Sept. 11, 1864.

Friend Nicolay:

Please read the accompanying letter,1 which tells what soldiers say to each other, but do not say to the President. If Mr. Lincoln should fail to put down the Rebellion, and to be rë-elected President, his failure to shoot those cowardly or treasonous generals and to hang six spies, during the first year of the War, will be the controlling cause.

1 This letter has not been located.

I pray you to see that justice be done in the matter of my friend Col. W. A. Phillips2 whose papers I sent you a week ago. Yours,

2 Phillips was a former lawyer and editor from Illinois who had gone to Kansas in 1855 as a correspondent of the New York Tribune. See Greeley to Nicolay, September 4, 1864.

Horace Greeley.

From Frank R. Judd to R. S. Chilton1, September 15, 1864

1 Judd was the son of Lincoln's political friend, Norman B. Judd.

Hd. Qrs. 2” Det. M. V. R.

Galloups Island.

Sept 15th 1864.

Dear Sir

Could you not do me a favor in Washington and that is get me two letters or even one would do and that from Mr. Lincoln adressed to Gov. Andrews.2 My reason for asking is this, since last you heard from me I have been acting as clerk of the 2” Det. M. V. R. upon this Island & the Captain for whom I am clerking is to raise a Regt. this fall and wishes me to have a Commission in it, now if I could only get a letter from either the secratary of War or the President there would be no difficulty in my obtaining what I desire. It would be necessary that such letter should be for one Frank Judson as it is under that name that I was foolish enough to enlist. If you could do this for me I should be forever grateful and you would never have cause to regret it. Hoping soon to hear from you I am Sir.3

2 John A. Andrew

3 There are numerous letters in the collection relating to the tortured military career of the ne'er-do-well Judd. He originally enlisted in an Illinois cavalry regiment. In February 1864 he received an appointment to West Point, but failed to take the entrance examination. He then enlisted in the 3rd Massachusetts Cavalry, from which he deserted shortly after this letter was written.

most respectfully.

Yrs to command.

Frank R. Judd.

Direct to

Frank Judson.

Hd Qrs 2” Det.

Galloups Island

Boston Harbor

From Henry J. Raymond to John G. Nicolay, September 11, 1864

Private

Astor House, New York, Sept. 11 1864.

My dear Sir:

Col. Tracy1 tells me he will write you in regard to Maj. Wentz.2— Col. T. has just been re-appointed Col. and is to have command of the post at Elmira. You will hear from him soon.

1 Benjamin F. Tracy, formerly colonel of the 109th New York Infantry, was given command of the 127th U. S. Colored Troops and of the camp and prison at Elmira, New York.

2 No such letter has come to light and the identity of Maj. Wentz remains a mystery.

If you looked over the proceedings of our State Convention you will have seen that the removal of Barney,3 the appointment of Draper4 & the retention of Andrews5 were cited by Busteed6 in a speech as Evidence that the President takes sides with them in their crusade against Mr. Weed7 & his friends. That is the view generally taken of it I think, and it must be confessed with a great deal of apparent reason.8

3 Hiram Barney

4 Simeon Draper

5 Rufus F. Andrews

6 Richard Busteed, a New York lawyer and former brigadier general of volunteers, was appointed by Lincoln in September 1863 to the bench of the U. S. District Court of Alabama.

7 Thurlow Weed

8 In the midst of a particularly close presidential re-election campaign, there was considerable pressure on the President from the William H. Seward-Thurlow Weed faction in New York to replace Hiram Barney, a supporter of Salmon P. Chase, as Collector of the Port of New York. Barney was asked to resign, as was Rufus F. Andrews, Surveyor of the Port. Barney was replaced by Simeon Draper. Numerous letters in this collection document the crisis in the New York Custom House.

Things look pretty well here, but we are not so strong as we were before the state convention. The nominations made there add no strength to the general ticket.

I shall probably be in Washington the last of the week.

Very truly

Yours

H. J. Raymond

From Francis B. Carpenter to John G. Nicolay1, September 12, 1864

1 Carpenter was a New York artist who stayed in the White House from February through July 1864 while working on his painting, “First Reading of the Emancipation Proclamation of President Lincoln.”

Studio. 653. Broadway N. Y.

Sep 12th 1864.

My Dear Nicolay

I wish very much to get an autograph letter from the President expressing in brief his opinion of my picture.2 In publishing the picture we of course expect to get many subscribers among those who are not familiar with the faces of the illustrious originals and if the President will say as much upon paper, as he frequently said to me personally, in regard to my success in representing the scene, and the men, I shall prize it very highly, not only as a testimonial to exhibit to my friends, but as an heirloom for my children!—

2 No such letter from Lincoln is known to exist.

The painting of this picture, I sincerely beleive marks an era, in the art history of our country It is an attempt, the first, I believe, to represent a historical scene literally from the life!

I will enclose a request to the President for his name, to have the subscription list, and his reply. Stating that “he has great pleasure in complying with my request.” (or something to this effect.) can properly be followed by any comment upon the painting, he may choose to make.

I would like him to subscribe for two or even three copies. (Artist's proofs) — one for himself — one for Robert, and one for “Tad,” — who may each, have a house of his own, one of these days?

I think I may without presumption, confidently expect this additional mark of the Presidents favor, after all the kindness he has shown me, provided that he can conscientiously endorse my work.

I am

Very Sincerely yours,

Frank B. Carpenter

P. S.

You are at liberty to lay this note before the President.

Of course it is understood, that the “proofs” are to be presented to him.

F. B. C.

From John G. Nicolay to James C. Conklin[g], September 12, 1864

Private.

Washington, Sept. 12th, 1864.

My dear Sir.

Your two letters of the 5th & 6th Inst giving information about the proposed Cincinnati Convention have been duly received by the President.1 We had also had previous notice of the movement from other sources. From all I have learned about it, I do not think that it has at any time been formidable. Not more than two or three men of any preëminence or influence have openly avowed their support of it. Some others secretly sympathised with it, but very soon they became convinced that it was utterly futile, and for at least two weeks past, have abandoned all expectations that it would result in anything whatever, and have since that time given an efficient, if not a willing support to the President. I think our friend need be under no apprehension that any other than he will be our Presidential Candidate. The chances are much greater that Fremont2 will be withdrawn, and that his supporters will unite with us, than that any new candidate will be further urged by those who are dissatisfied with the President. Our news from all quarters is very encouraging. I hope you will succeed in making a vigorous campaign in Illinois. If you have time, please keep me posted as to its progress.

1 Certain Radicals, opposed to Lincoln's re-election, attempted to call a second convention, to meet in Cincinnati, which would replace the President with a more acceptable candidate. Union military victories deflated the movement before it was able to accomplish any of its ends.

2 John C. Fremont's candidacy was withdrawn on September 22.

Your obt servt.

(signed) Jno. G Nicolay.

Priv. Sec.

From Simon Cameron to John G. Nicolay, September 13, 1864

Philadelphia, Sept. 13. 1864.

Dear Sir:

Can you get Carl Shurz to come into Penn. and speak for us.1 He would benefit the cause very much.

1 Schurz spoke at the Concert Hall in Philadelphia on September 16.

What is done regarding to Lehigh matter.2

2 See Cameron to Nicolay, September 11, 1864.

Very truly yrs

Simon Cameron

Abraham Lincoln, Memorandum on Popular Political Preferences1, [September 13] 1864

1 Collecting the preferences of passengers on trains or steamboats was a common means of testing political opinion in America in the 19th Century. Who conducted this poll and how it was conveyed to Lincoln is not known, but perhaps because it reflected conditions in the key state of Pennsylvania, he noted its results on a sheet of presidential stationery.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, 1864.

On train from Pittsburg to Harrisburg Sep. 13. 1864.

LincolnMcClellanFremont

172.66.7.

From Sydney H. Gay to [John G. Nicolay], September 17, 1864

New York, Sept. 17 1864

My Dear Sir— I write you at the suggestion of Mr. Wilkerson1 to state a fact or two which possibly you may make use of in the proper quarter.

1 Samuel Wilkeson was Washington bureau chief of the New York Tribune. Formerly an ally of Thurlow Weed, Wilkeson at this time was in the camp of Horace Greeley.

The recent changes in the N. Y. Custom House have been made at the demand of Thurlow Weed.2 This is on the authority of a statement made by Mr. Nicolay to Surveyor Andrews3 & Genl. Busteed.4 Now Andrews refuses to resign, & if he is removed he will publish the facts substantiated by oath & correspondence.5 It will go to the country that Mr. Lincoln removed from office a man of whom he thought so well that he promised to give him anything he asked hereafter, provided he would enable the President now to accede to the demands of the man who, outside of this state, is universally beleived to be the most infamous political scoundrel that ever cursed any country, & in the state is without influence with the party which he has publicly denounced & abandoned. Mr. Lincoln ought to know immediately that such is the attitude which he will occupy before the people if he persists in this matter. Andrews will defend himself, & I know, from a consultation with some of the leading men in the party here, to-day, that he will be upheld & justified in it, be the consequences what they may. They may be the loss of Connecticut to begin with. Can we afford to begin with a loss anywhere? Mr. Lincoln ought to know that a very large proportion of the party sustain it in spite of his being the candidate. It will not be very difficult to convince that portion of it that we may as well go to the devil with George B. McClellan as Thurlow Weed, while in with the former, we shall be, at least, free from all responsibility. I am, very truly yrs,

2 In the midst of a particularly close presidential re-election campaign, there was considerable pressure on the President from the William H. Seward-Thurlow Weed faction in New York to replace Hiram Barney, a supporter of Salmon P. Chase, as Collector of the Port of New York. Barney was asked to resign, as was Rufus F. Andrews, Surveyor of the Port. Barney was replaced by Simeon Draper. Numerous letters in the collection document the crisis in the New York Custom House.

3 Rufus F. Andrews

4 Busteed, a New York lawyer and former brigadier general of volunteers, was appointed by Lincoln in September 1863 to the bench of the U. S. District Court of Alabama.

5 Andrews did not resign, and was removed by Lincoln in September.

S. H. Gay

From Horace Greeley to John G. Nicolay, September 19, 1864

New York, Sept. 19, 1864.

Friend Nicolay:

I thank you heartily for your note of the 15th and enclosure.1 I am glad to hear that you, at least, are alive.

1 Nicolay's September 15 letter dealt with the distribution of campaign documents. For the text of Nicolay's letter, see See Michael Burlingame ed. With Lincoln in the White House: Letters, Memoranda, and Other Writings of John G. Nicolay, 1860-1865 (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 2000), 159-60.

The McClellanites2 are very active and strong here, working and pushing night and day, while our people are [illegible] engaged in squabbles about paltry offices, &c.

2 George B. McClellan was the Democratic nominee for president.

Now will you please consider that we are dying for a short, sharp, clear, concise statement (official) of why there is no general exchange of prisoners, what is the precise hitch &c.3 Won't you understand that the McClellanites are making capital on this point, and that they ought to be stopped if they can be.

3 General Grant had discontinued all prisoner exchanges, in large part, to deprive the South of the services of its returning prisoners.

Yours,

Horace Greeley

If the vote were to be taken to-morrow, McClellan would carry this city by 40,000. We can improve this if we can stop these detestable feuds and go to work.

From Samuel E. Brown to John G. Nicolay1, September 20, 1864

1 Brown was U. S. Attorney for Colorado Territory, and a member of the constitutional convention of 1864.

Central City, Colorado Sept. 20. 1864

Dear Sir

I fully endorse all the statements made by Hon A. C. Hunt U S Marshal in the enclosed letter addressed to you and through you to the President.2 Our people have by a very large majority decided to reject the Constitution and State organization submitted to them on the 13th inst.3 The friends of the State movement exceeded Lecompton4 in the palmiest day of their iniquity and yet are defeated, threats are made that the measure is to be successful notwithstanding the will of the people. We have no fears that the President will attempt to override the will of the people in this behalf unless deceived by specious telegrams or certificates— He, who approved the measures did so solely on local reasons. We did not regard the question as one of national or administrative importance. Had we done so our course would have been totally different— We trust to you to place this matter in its true light before His Excellency not for any personal motives but that he may fully comprehend the position of our loyal people

2 See Hunt to Nicolay, September 22, 1864.

3 The constitution rejected by the voters of Colorado Territory in 1864 was not the first to be cast aside. In 1859 another proposal had similarly failed, and in 1865 a proposed constitution would win the approval of the people only to be vetoed by President Andrew Johnson. Colorado did not attain statehood until 1876.

4 In 1857 the pro-slavery forces in Kansas succeeded in drafting a proposed constitution at Lecompton. Voters, however, were only given a choice of voting for limited or unlimited slavery in the new state, and many free-state voters therefore boycotted the election. Congress refused to admit Kansas under this constitution.

Very Resptly

Your Obt. Servt.

S E Brown

U S Atty C. T.

[Endorsement:]

Extract from “Mining Journal” of Sept — 1862 —

14599

14862

6482

352243

75

[Attached Newspaper Clippings with Election Returns]

From Thomas Ewing Jr. to William P. Dole, September 21, 1864

Private

St. Louis, Mo., Sept 21 1864.

Dear Sir:

The Conventions resulted as I told you they would. The Anti Lane Report Convention nominated the Lane Presidential electors Lanes convention nominated.1

1 The Kansas Republican state convention (the James H. Lane faction) met on September 8 in Topeka. The Republican Union convention (the anti-Lane faction) met in the same city on September 13. Both factions nominated separate slates of state and local candidates. The Republican Union faction received the support of the Kansas Democratic party, and hence was branded a Copperhead movement.

Sincerely Yrs

Thomas Ewing Jr

[Endorsed by William P. Dole:]

The Prest will see by the enclosed that — Both conventions in Kansas have nominated the same Electorial ticket— He will be likely to carry that state—

W. P. Dole

From A. Cameron Hunt to John G. Nicolay1, September 22, 1864

1 Before being appointed U. S. Marshal for Colorado Territory, Hunt had served as judge of the territorial vigilance committee.

U. S. Marshals Office

Denver C. T. September 22. 1864.

Dear Friend:—

Many things are transpiring in this far off Territory, which it is very desireable should come under the observation of the President. Sharing, to a very large extent, in these desires myself, I am induced to narrate to you, as briefly as possible, some of the leading items which are fraught with so much interest to our future welfare as a community.

As long ago as when you were a visitor among us,2 parties were bent on erecting us into a state of this Federal Union. This scheme, if once engaged in by True Patriots, and for Virtuous purposes, and with the requisite population, would, of course, to me, and to all true lovers of our Union, be entirely acceptable and desirable.

2 Nicolay's visit to Colorado took place in the summer of 1863.

On the contrary the parties who engaged in this affair, did so with no good intentions, well knowing that at no time within the past twelve months have we had a population numbering more than twenty two thousand souls; and at this time, as you must see by examining The Vote just cast at one of the hardest-contested elections ever held here, where every voter was got out (and many, very many persons voted from twice to six times), we have not to exceed Seventeen Thousand souls in all our borders, as in such a community two and one half percent addition to every voter is a liberal calculation.

Now while I say, that at no time since this thing of State-Organization has been agitated have we had a population of twenty two thousand it has been represented at Washington by these interested parties that we have over fifty thousand, a falsehood, so palpable that a person with the least descernment must understand, and that there was a wicked purpose in this misrepresentation is equally plain.3

3 After having a statehood enabling act defeated in Congress, territorial proponents of statehood represented to the Congress that the population of Colorado was between 50,000 and 60,000 (a greatly exaggerated figure). In March 1864, Congress finally passed the act which permitted the sitting of the constitutional convention.

The Election for and against the Constitution came and passed off. In the mines an almost undivided vote was cast against the measure. In Denver it was otherwise. Colonel Chivington4 — riding two horses, one for the Territory, the other for the State — being the most prominent State Candidate, put forth all his energies, and with them a large amount of ill-gotten gains, and with Govenor Evans,5 the most prominent Candidate for the U. S. Senate, just in the midst of the organization of the new 3rd Regt of “100 days men”,6 was possessed of a large amount of patronage, which with their money, formed arguments to men to go for State who would otherwise have been against it: all these, added to the hope of promotion in the breast of every officer of the First and Second Regts of Colorado Cavalry, gave us a formidable array of Electioneers with whom to cope. But we have met them and beaten them, beaten them; if a fair canvass of the votes be had, among the citizens, three to one.

4 John M. Chivington, a Methodist minister and presiding elder of the Rocky Mountain District, was one of the leading proponents of statehood. Chivington was also colonel of a Colorado cavalry regiment that massacred hundreds of innocent Cheyenne and Arapaho Indians at Sand Creek on November 29, 1864.

5 John Evans

6 The 3rd Colorado Cavalry was organized in August and September 1864, and was mustered out on December 31.

Now, in the midst of this unprecedented and unheard of Victory, we are defiantly told that we have to submit to a state-organization as they have enough soldier votes to overbalance our 2800 citizen majority out of a vote of 4500, and that the President is to be informed that the vote was for the state, and his Proclamation be thus obtained.7

7 In 1865 another proposed constitution would win the approval of the people only to be vetoed by President Andrew Johnson. Colorado did not attain statehood until 1876.

At the Election for Delegate to the Constitutional Convention, not quite 1000 votes were polled, and not two thirds of the members elect would attend the Convention, so averse were they to the measure! Then, on its final adoption, where a 2/3rd vote was required, but twenty votes for it, while eight voted against it, which inspired but little faith in the Instrument ever among the framers themselves.

Every business man, except C A Cook and Geo. T. Clark. in Denver, opposed the thing; our entire German population — always loyal — were against it to a man: Every mechanic and builder, as well as our Bankers (except Cook and Clark) were opposed to it. Against all these were the Swindling Contractors, Q. M.'s hirelings, whisky bloats, and gamblers. Money was poured out in the most extravagant manner; Band-Wagons, government Teams to haul soldiers and men dressed in soldier's clothes from one Poll to another; and about the polls a swarm of Provosts and City officers — all for state — through whose ranks (at the Poll in the first Ward) it was almost impossible to force yourself especially in the latter part of the day. Yet with all this to contend against, having no Concert of Action, no unreasonable means, no money, no teams, no band wagons, no extraordinary efforts, we beat them; and in this city the victory is won by 140 majority, according to Count, which would have been 440 by an honest vote.

This much I have said hoping that you might venture to suggest to his Excellency the President that all might not be right in this vote on the Constitution in Colorado.

As to the truth of my statements, I refer you to all three of the Fedral Judges, and the U. S. Attourney for this Territory;8 also all three of the Judges whose names are found on the State Ticket; as well as our mutual friend, Mr H. B. Town of Central City, who was nominated as their first choice for govenor under the New Constitution. The four latter gentlemen have become disgusted with the whole thing.

8 See Samuel E. Brown to Nicolay, September 20, 1864.

I am sir with deep respect

Your most Obd't Servant

A Cameron Hunt

U. S. Marshal for

Colorado Territory

From Simon Cameron to John G. Nicolay, September 25, 1864

Harrisburg, Sept. 25/64

Dear Sir

Mr Cessna1 who you know has just come from among the Democracy — and who is doing us so much good by his daily & nightly speaking will be in Washington on Wednesday About 12 pm. He will have a note to you, and one for the President from me.

Please introduce him, as soon as you can — and ask Mr Lincoln to be more than ordinarily kind to him. He deserves it, and he will receive your attentions gratefully.

1 John Cessna, former Speaker of the Pennsylvania House, had been a Democrat and was a delegate to both the Charleston and Baltimore conventions in 1860. He switched to the Republican party in 1864.

We are getting on finely. I am working day & night — and will render a good account.

Fry2 has done us harm by his refusal to change in Lehigh county — but I have promised it shall be done after the election. You & the President will not I am allow me to break faith — for that — my friends say, I never do.

2 Jacob Fry, Jr., of Montgomery County, was a former congressman and auditor general of Pennsylvania. See also Cameron to Nicolay, September 11 and September 25, 1864.

I go to Pittsburg and the western counties to-morrow and will be back to Phil. about Saturday.

Tell the President, I have not received one cent for the election from an office holder but the P. M. in this town, $500 — and $1500, from Walborn, P. M. at Phil.

I will try to get along without the rest.

Very truly yrs

Simon Cameron

From William H. Herndon to John G. Nicolay and John Hay, September 25, 1864

Springfield Ills. Septr 25th 1864

Dear Friends—

To-day I send you a short talk of mine,1 made in this city on the 21st inst at the dedication of our Union Wigwam to Lincoln — Liberty, & to Justice. I think it good — & why shouldn't I, as it is my baby. Please read it and when read hand it to my good old friend — Lincoln. Tell him for me, I want him to read it and say how he likes it. Some persons have said I was cold towards him —his re-election. I am a diffident man & won't push myself. Hence I dont get on every stump because I can talk or not talk. Obtrusion takes off the keen zest of hospitality. Read

1 The copy of the talk by Lincoln's former law partner has not been located.

Your Friend

W H Herndon

From Schuyler Colfax to Abraham Lincoln, September 26, 1864

South Bend Ind Sept 26. 1864

My dear Sir,

I have just telegraphed you about the effect of Gen Fry's1 decision that Union men who don't run away & are in the hundred per cent extra draft are to be compelled to make up the desertions of skedaddlers who draft & yet that the Government claims the right to arrest these skedaddlers afterwards as deserters besides.2 It is our death-blow if you don't revoke it. I have not time to argue the alienations it causes, for I am speaking every day & at home but a few hours this morning to answer letters accumulated.

1 Provost Marshal General James B. Fry was statutorily responsible for the enforcement of the conscription acts.

2 Colfax's telegram of September 26 is in this collection.

I have been speaking every day & twice a day for six weeks — vice & strength almost exhaused — but still at it. Before the draft the District was safe. How it is now I cannot tell; for no one can calculate its effect till ballot boxes are opened.

Yrs very truly in great haste

Schuyler Colfax

[Marginal note:]

The 100 per cent men expect to have to make up for the physically exempt &c, but to be forced to on this go in place of peace sneaks that now is the trouble.

From Thomas Fitzgerald to John G. Nicolay1, September 29, 1864

1 Fitzgerald was a Philadelphia newspaper publisher.

My Dear Mr. Nicolay—

With much pleasure I have seen it stated in the papers, that Gov. Curtin2 and some of his friends have called upon the President. This is good news indeed, and happy results will flow from it. The Curtin men have been lukewarm in this campaign, and we are not so strong that we can afford to dispense with their services.

2 Andrew G. Curtin

The Lincoln and Johnson demonstration here, to-day, was truly formidable, not withstanding very bad weather. Speeches were made by Gen. Cameron,3 John Covode, ex-Gov. Johnston,4 a Mr. Buchanan, myself, and others. To-night, addresses are being made in all the Halls of the city. The streets are filled with people — bands are playing, and every thing looks like success.

3 Simon Cameron

4 William F. Johnston was governor of Pennsylvania from 1848 to 1852.

To-morrow I go to Fayette County, where I expect to speak a half dozen times at least.

New York, New Jersey, and Pennsyvlania will certainly vote for Mr. Lincoln, if we may judge from present appearances — but, there is much hard work to be done yet, “To make assurance double sure.”

Be good enough to present my kindest regards to Mr. Lincoln.

Col. Forney5 and Gen. Cameron are conducting the campaign with unusual vigor.

5 John W. Forney

To-day I have conversed with leading men from various parts of the state, and all are cheerful and confident. If $5000 or $10,000 could be distributed among the country newspapers, great good would result.

I write in haste, but with sincere respect. Truly

Thomas Fitzgerald,

Pittsburg,

Sep. 29. 64.

From Hanson A. Risley to John G. Nicolay1, September 29, 1864

1 Risley was an agent of the Treasury Department for the purchase of products in the rebellious states.

Washington, D. C Sept 29 1864

My Dear Sir,

Do you know whether the Regulations and papers I left yesterday have come back from the War Department? We only await the order of the Secretary of War to set the Cotton mills running2

2 See Collected Works, VIII, 20-21 and 185-86; and Collected Works, Supplement I, 268-69.

Yours Truly

H A Risley

From Lucius E. Chittenden to Abraham Lincoln, October 6, 1864

Burlington Vt Oct. 6. 1864

My dear Sir

I have assumed the liberty of wrting the enclosed note which will explain itself1 The assertion which I have denied was being used among the soldiers here with considerable effect. I have stated the fact from recollection merely and suppose I am right If I am not I would like to be corrected.

1 Chittenden enclosed a clipping of a letter he had written refuting the charge that Lincoln demanded his pay in specie or gold certificates, while requiring soldiers to accept greenbacks.

Mr Greely2 and myself addressed a very large meeting at Plattsburgh in Northern New York yesterday. He made a very logical and argumentative speech in favor of our platform and against McClellan3 and spoke very hopefully of the prospect of an early close of the war. But he did not refer I believe to your self or Gov. Johnson4 by name or otherwise in the course of it. I was able to supply the omission to some extent. Such things excite remark and he was so informed by some of our leading friends at the meeting. The prospect is exceedingly encouraging throughout northern New York I have recently been over the same ground that I went over in 1860 and I am sure the feeling is better now than it was then. The returned soldiers from this section are very intelligent and are doing us a power of good. I am just now with my family at my old home but have agreed with Mr Raymond5 to give the rest of my time until the election to the canvass

2 Horace Greeley

3 George B. McClellan

4 Andrew Johnson

5 Henry J. Raymond

With much respect

Your friend & obt Servt

L E Chittenden

From Francis Lieber to John G. Nicolay, October 11, 1864

New-York

11 October

1864.

Dear Sir,

You have spoken in your letter to me, in such kindly terms of my broadside “Lincoln oder McClellan”, that I make free to send you a few copies of a new edition. It is somewhat improved. There is, against my expectation, a very large demand for the paper — orders for from 7 to 10000 copies repeatedly arriving.

I add a sermon by the Rev. Dr Thompson,1 which our [comty?] has published. I think the President would not dislike to read some passages. The words of Robert Hall, at the end of the sermon have always appeared to me as some of the noblest and loftiest uttered by that great preacher and classical writer of English.

1 Joseph Parrish Thompson delivered his Thanksgiving sermon, entitled, “Peace through Victory,” at the Broadway Tabernacle Church in New York on September 11, 1864.

May God be thanked for the work of yester-day,2 and may it be the beginning of a national harvest. We want far more than a majority for Mr Lincoln. We must show to Europe, to the South and to the conspirators within the midst of us, that we are a nation and mean to remain one cost what it may.

2 The Union party won the Pennsylvania election by a small, but comfortable, majority.

The author of the sermon I send has lost a son in this war, and, on his death, allowed another son — but 17 years old to enter it.3 He has a fair right to preach thus.

3 Thompson's son, Sgt. John H. Thompson of Company A, 106th New York Infantry, died in camp of fever at North Mountain, West Virginia on March 16, 1863. His father penned a tribute in 1864, entitled “The Sergeant's Memorial,” published by A. D. F. Randolph of New York.

In this city we shall have a large majority against us. There are many Southerners here and very large sums (not wholly of American forces) are spent to gain votes for the Copperheads.

With high regard

Your obedt servt

Francis Lieber

(No 48 East 34th Str)

From George E. Crater to John G. Nicolay, October 12, 1864

Strictly Confidential

Denver Oct 12th 1864

Dear Sir

I am satisfied that there is a fraud intended whereby it shall be made to appear by the canvass of the votes cast at the Election in Colorado on the 13th Sept 1864 for and against the state constitution, which canvass takes place here tomorrow, that the state constitution has been adopted.1 By the report of the Returns as first received it appeared to have been defeated by at least a 2/3 vote and it is my candid and honest opinion that 2/3 of the 20.000 people of Colorado are opposed to a state organization. The Democrats & Copperheads here are anxious to have it fraudently proclaimed as a state in order to telegraph the frauds of the state party here, East to aid McClellan.2 I write you this to put the President on his guard as I feel assured that if it is proclaimed a state under all the circumstances it will greatly injure the prospects of Mr Lincoln and the Union party in the states, for whose success I would sacrifice every dollar I have on earth or ever expect to have I am hastily

1 The constitution rejected by the voters of Colorado Territory in 1864 was not the first to be cast aside. In 1859 another proposal had similarly failed, and in 1865 a proposed constitution would win the approval of the people only to be vetoed by President Andrew Johnson. Colorado did not attain statehood until 1876.

2 George B. McClellan

Truly Yours

Geo. E. Crater

From Schuyler Colfax to William Dennison [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1, October 27, 1864

1 House Speaker Colfax reports to the postmaster-general on his campaign activities.

Chicago, Oct 27. 1864.

My dear Dennison

Thanks for your kind letter which [meeteth?] me here. I spoke a week in Mich. mainly in the two doubtful Dists. Beaman's2 who was elected in '62 by 190 & Trowbridges3 defeated then by 290. Am speaking in Ills. Wis & Iowa till election. I fear from what I see & hear that we cannot roll up the large majorities of '60 in Northern Ills. but in Southern Ills. will gain largely. I spoke yesterday at Janesville to a crowd of 10.000, who stood out in the rain for 2 hours.

2 Fernando C. Beaman was re-elected.

3 Rowland E. Trowbridge had been defeated for re-election in 1862. He was victorious in 1864.

I do wish we could find something better for my friend Hon J. A. Tyner, than the P. O. Special Agency he has.4 He deserves a better place; & I am glad to notice your intimation to that effect. If you can find it for him, you will make h me your grateful debtor for life.

4 There is no record of Tyner's appointment to any other position during the Lincoln Administration.

Yrs very truly

Schuyler Colfax

[Endorsed by Dennison:]

I send this as giving the latest information from the regions referred to— Colfax ought to be well pretty well posted.

Respy

W D

[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]

Hon. S. Colfax.

From William L. Avery to John G. Nicolay1, November 2, 1864

1 Avery was secretary of the Western branch of the Union National Committee.

St. Louis, Nov 2. 1864.

Friend Nicolay

Yours of the 29th ult was received last night.

In respect to the Congressional election in the 1st district, I have to say that matters are a good deal muddled. The contest between Knox2 and Johnson3 is waged with great bitterness. The partisans of each loudly assert that their candidate will be elected. But I have not yet been able to determine in my own mind which will be successful. The Copperhead candidate is regarded as out of the question.4 He excites no enthusiasm and the meetings in his behalf are small, chilly affairs.

2 Samuel Knox, an Unconditional Unionist, acquired his seat in Congress by successfully contesting the election of Frank P. Blair, Jr. in June 1864.

3 Charles P. Johnson was a Radical lawyer from St. Louis and had been a member of the Missouri legislature.

4 The Democratic candidate, John Hogan, won the election.

The German element, will I think, give as a general thing, its support to the Union National candidates. Price's raid is regarded as having helped our cause.5

5 A Confederate force under Maj. Gen. Sterling Price raided through Missouri in September and October 1864.

You will see by the German newspaper, which I sent you, yesterday, that we now have an organ through which we can reach the German mind.

The congressional quarrel absorbs some of the attention of our friends here than I wish it did. I am doing the best I can for the national ticket, but find great difficulty in getting what I write before the public. Whether it is a repugnance to “Old Abe” or my bungling manner of presenting his cause, keeps my communications from the press, I leave you to judge. I have done something in the way of printing on my own hook.

The peculiarities of the canvass here would be ridiculous, if not fraught with so much danger to the country Fletcher,6 for instance, the radical candidate for Governor, is entirely in the hands of Frank Blair's7 chief fugleman, who also is Johnson's prime agent. The Union newspaper, which assails both Knox and Blow8 favor Johnson. The more respectable portion of the Claybanks,9 except the office holders, will vote for Knox, who is the Democrat's candidate.

6 Thomas C. Fletcher, a Union Republican, defeated Thomas L. Price for governor.

7 Francis P. Blair, Jr.

8 Henry T. Blow

9 “Claybanks” refers to the conservative class in Missouri politics.

This is a brief statement of the political condition here. There can be no harmony.

Yours Truly

Wm L Avery

From Theodore Tilton to John G. Nicolay1, November 12, 1864

1 Tilton, a Radical Republican and editor of the New York Independent, had originally been opposed to Lincoln's renomination.

No. 5 Beekman St., New York

Nov. 12th, 1864.

My dear Nicolay,

Please give the Enclosed letter to the President2 — though he may have thought, beforehand, of every thing which I have said in it.

2 See Tilton to Lincoln, November 12, 1864.

I would have written to you before this a word of congratulation for the immortal victory of the 8th of November3 — for which God be thanked unceasingly!— Except that the campaign Exhausted me — half killed me — speaking as I did, so often and laboriously that on the Saturday night before election I fainted on the platform. Looking back upon that occasion, however, I now feel that I would have been willing to die if by so doing I could have been assured in advance of so great a boon to the Republic as the 8th of November proved to be.

3 Lincoln was re-elected on November 8.

I shall see you, I hope, in Washington — for I have been invited to lecture there.

Yours,

Now and Ever,

Theodore Tilton

From Abraham Lincoln to John Phillips [Copy in a Secretarial Hand]1, November 21, 1864

1 Lincoln had learned that 105-year old John Phillips of Sturbridge, Massachusetts, who had voted for George Washington for president, had cast his vote for Lincoln in the late presidential election. See F. W. Emmons to Lincoln, November 9, 1864.

Washington, 21st November, 1864

My dear Sir

I have heard of the incident at the polls in your town, in which you bore so honored a part, and I take the liberty of writing to you to express my personal gratitude for the compliment paid me by the suffrage of a citizen so hon venerable.

The example of such devotion to civic duties in one whose days have already extended an average life time beyond the Psalmist's limit, cannot but be valuable and fruitful. It is not for myself only, but for the Country which you have in your sphere served so long and so well, that I thank you.

Your friend and Servant

From Robert A. West to John G. Nicolay, November 30, 1864

Acknowledged

Washington, D. C., Nov 30, 1864

Dear Sir,

There is much conversation in the city respecting the defencess condition of the President's house and person now that rebel assassins and incendiaries are abroad; an a suggestion was made to me this morning with a request that I would mention it in the Chronicle or in my correspondence. It seems to me a good one per se, but not a proper one for ventilation through the press. It is that a squad of experienced detectives should be organized for the protection of the President and the White House, the duty of whom should be to be constantly in the Presidential Mansion in adequate force, and more or less near the person of the President.1 The idea is that such men would more easily and promptly detect evil person designs and designing persons than would mere soldiers, whose routine habits and duties an adroit incendiary and assassin would easily circumvent.

1 Because of the intensity of the presidential campaign, a squad of four detectives was, in fact, assigned to the White House in the autumn of 1864.

Having a common interest with every loyal citizen in the safety of the President, I feel that there can be no impropriety in my communicating to you the suggesstion made to me.

With sincere esteem,

Yours mo truly

Robert A. West

From Buel Conklin to Abraham Lincoln and Congress1, December 1, 1863

1 Conklin was a Long Island florist.

To the President of the United States

&

Congress Assembled at Washington,

The following memorial, petitioning for the adoption of the plan herein proposed for colonizing a portion of the liberated negroes, is respectfully addressed by the undersigned, in the hope that they will give it their serious consideration & approval.

The multitude of blacks now looking to the Government for some assistance in their difficulty & every day increasing in numbers, has rendered it necessary, that the Government should take some decided step for the alleviation of their condition.

It is the belief of the undersigned, that the Government, by offering sufficient encouragement to the private enterprise of colonizing them in foreign parts, as proposed herein, can dispose of a large portion if not all of the cases of those who are now or may be dependent upon it, not only without expense & without trouble to itself & with every advantage to the negroes, but, in accordance with the general wish of the people.

Throughout tropical America, there are thousands of acres of valuable land, unoccupied & for all present purposes worthless to the Governments which hold them. They can be bought for a mere trifle — a few cents per acre, & are now taken up with an indefinite prospect of the occupant's having to pay for them at all.

Unlike the prairies of the West, they are better adapted to the negro than the white man, & in many instances will probably only be successfully settled by him: & the Governments of Central & South America & of the West India Islands, for no other consideration than that of seeing these lands reduced to a state of cultivation, should be willing to offer them freely to the blacks.

Already, several states have expressed their willingness to receive the negroes as settlers, & the Government could, undoubtedly, procure every reasonable concession for them.

It is to be hoped, that the effort which it is making to establish them upon the confiscated lands at the South, may be attended with success. But, the position which nature or circumstances have assigned to the negroe in the intellectual sphere, the distinction of color & the peculiarities of his physical constitution, must ever operate in the temperate zones, where less depends upon the physical than upon the mental capacities, as a barrier to the enjoyment of a true equality with the whites.

In his native climate, the negro is in many respects superior to the white man & only needs the influence of education to raise him to an equality in the social sphere.

Any plan, therefore, which, without expense to the Government & with every advantage to the negroes, shall transfer them, with their own consent, to a land more congenial to their natures & better adapted to their habits than our own, should deserve the serious consideration of the august body to whom this memorial is addressed.

In looking about for a suitable locality in which to establish a colony, it will be found, that the climate of the Lagoon of Cheriqui is mild & salubrious to a degree seldom met with on the coast of tropical America; while the fertility of the soil, the advantages of the situation & the magnificent harbor, leave little remaining to desire.2 There the bread-fruit & the palm, the orange & every tropical production thrives with the greatest luxurience, while the cotton plant springs up spontaneously throughout the settlements & matures its bolls of white fiber under every conceivable disadvantage.

2 The Chiriqui region is located in what is now the country of Panama. The region had been considered a prime location for the colonization of freedmen as early as 1861, when Ambrose W. Thompson had formed the “Chiriqui Improvement Company” for that purpose. The Lincoln administration backed the plan to the extent that it entered into a provisional contract with Thompson in September 1862. The project came to a halt, however, when the Central American states bordering on the region expressed their strong disapproval of the scheme, even hinting that force would be used to stop it. There are many documents in the collection relating to the Chiriqui resettlement scheme.

It is at this point, that the undersigned would propose to establish a colony; & it is hoped that the following plan for accomplishing this end, may be found to possess every advantage for which the Government or the negroes could wish.

It is asked of the Government,

1st,

That it shall procure from the United States of Columbia, the right to establish a colony of free negroes upon the unoccupied lands in the neighborhood of Cheriqui Lagoon or on the islands situated in it; together with a grant of 20 acres of land to each individual on the condition of his settling upon & improving it: or, failing to secure the latter concession, that it shall procure the land for the colonists at such reasonable rate, not exceeding fifty cents per acre, as it can obtain.

2d

That it shall endeavor to procure for each person so settling, an exemption from taxation upon the above lands & from duties upon importations for the space of 5 or for 10 years; & also the right of taking up within that period, as much more land, not exceeding 30 acres & subject to taxation if the United States of Columbia shall so determine, as in addition to the first 20 acres, he may be able to reduce to a state of profitable culture.

3d

That, in consideration of the undersigned's taking upon him the charge & management of the colonists as hereafter indicated, it shall secure to him, either by procuring a grant of or by purchase from the United States of Columbia, the possession in perpetuity of the island known as Pope's Island, & such land upon the now unoccupied portion of Provision Island as may be needed in addition in carrying out this scheme.— To be held subject to the laws of the United States of Columbia3 And shall furnish me papers properly acknowledged as security for the undisputed possession of the same.

3 The territory now encompassed by Panama belonged to Colombia in 1863.

4th

That, in persuance of this scheme, it shall furnish transportation to the Lagoon of Cheriqui for a colony of 1000 negroes each year for five successive years, (or any less term of years) & for the wives & children of such among them as are married, not exceeding such number of individuals as Congress may designate; & shall furnish provisions for the first 1,000 colonists for a period not exceeding five months & to an amount not necessarily exceeding the cost of $22 per man: & shall furnish each individual of such colony with an ax, spade, hoe, & machete, & with nails for roofing a dwelling 12 by 18 feet in dimentions & seeds & plants sufficient for planting four acres of land as hereafter indicated.

5th

That it shall furnish for the use of the colonists while under this system, the following impliments, machines, stock &c, viz, 200 froes; 200 drawing knives; 5 roller-cotton gins capable of cleaning 600 lbs each per day; 10 horses; 4 waggons & material for harness; cooking utensils not to exceed $500; carpenter tools not to exceed $500 & material for roofing 100 buildings each 12 feet square, to be used as barracks by the colonists. Also a small propeller not less than five tons burden, to be used in conveying men provisions &c from one part of the Lagoon to another, or material for the construction of flat boats for that purpose, & an apparatus for hulling rice & for grinding corn— The whole including cost of impliments &c furnished to the first colonists as prescribed in section 4th not to exceed the cost of $15,000

6th

And in consideration of the above concessions & advantages each individual of the first colony, shall be under obligations to clear up plant & cul-cultivate under my directions for the space of 15 months, the 4 acres of land which may be allotted to him on or of the other of the islands named in section 3d; two acres of which shall be devoted to the culture of cotton & the remainder to the production of provisions for his subsistence.

And the individuals of the succeeding colonies shall be under similar obligations, to clear up & cultivate in cotton, each the two acres of land which may be allotted to him upon either of the above named islands, & shall also cultivate such portion, not less than one acre, of the provision grounds planted by the preceeding colonists as may be necessary for the support of himself & family.

And in addition to the above each individual shall plant & cultivate, either among the cotton sowed by him, or upon the space separating his land from his neighbors', a certain number of cocoa-nut trees, viz at the rate of one tree to every 900 square feet of the said cotton fields

7th

And the Government shall have the right of purchasing from the colonists at one tenth of its actual value, the whole or any less portion of the cotton produced by them during their term of 15 months upon the above named lands, & of remunerating itself for the expense incurred in carrying out this scheme, from the sales of such cotton, recieving in addition a certain rate of interest upon that expendature, not exceeding 20 per cent. Or, it shall be entitled to the whole or such portion of the proceeds of the sales of the cotton over one tenth, as shall be equivalent to such expendature & interest: & any remainder shall be distributed among the colonists, at or as soon after the expiration of their term as possible; in the proportion of the amount of cotton received from each.

And if the Government shall fail to remunerate itself fully from the above salves, it shall be entitled to one twentieth, or in case it shall furnish impliments, nails & seed for the palm trees, (as prescribed for the first 1000 persons.) to each colonist, to one tenth of the produce or the proceeds of the cotton fields & to one half of that of the cocoa-nut trees growing upon such fields for such time following the expiration of the term of each colony, as shall suffice for the discharge of the debt

8th

The colonists shall be subject to the regulations & restrictions & entitled to the advantages herein described.

1. If the Government shall not supply each or any colonist after those of the first colony with impliments, seeds &c as mentioned in the preceeding section, they will be supplied to them at a cost not exceeding that of procuring & getting them to them — to be deducted from the returns of the cotton fields.

2. Each colony shall be separated into divisions of 20 individuals each, who shall elect the most intelligent member from among them, to assist me when needed in directing their labors.

And the members of the division of every person thuse elected, shall be under obligations to aid him in cultivating his portion of land the same as their own. And if any member of a division shall become sick or otherwise incapacitated from duty for a time, it shall be the duty of the other members to cultivate his portion of land for him for a reasonable length of time, until he shall become able to take charge of it himself.

If any individual shall die while under the operation of this system & such person shall have a family it shall devolve upon the whole colony to take care of his portion of land for the family (provided they shall not be able to do it themselves) which shall be entitled to the same advantages & concessions as were offered to the deceased.

But if the latter shall have no family, the land allotted to him shall be disposed of as described in the following division of this section.

3. If any individual shall desert the colony or persistently neglect the regulations thereof, he shall forfiet all title to the advantages & concessions which were offered to him, & the land vacated thus shall be allotted to the division to which he belonged, provided it shall be willing & able to take the additional charge, or to any other division or member of a division that may be willing & able to take it: And such division or individual shall be entitled to all the advantages which were offered to the person whose land they have taken in charge.

4. Any produce harvested by the divisions from their provision grounds during the first 12 months of their term over what is needed for their support, shall be disposed of nine tenths of the proceeds of such sales, shall be appropriated to the following purposes, viz; one tenth for medical attendance & the remainder for the purchase of such animal food as may be required; to be made either by the colonists themselves or for them; & any remainder to be distributed among them at the end of their term, in the proportion of the value of the produce recieved from each.

5.At such times as the services of the colonists are not needed in the proper cultivation of the land allotted to them as heretofore described, they shall be employed in clearing up & planting with such products as will afford them subsistence after the expiration of their term, a portion, not less than one acre, of the land granted to each; & in getting out the material for & in erecting a dwellilng upon the same, to be 12 by 18 feet upon the ground & one story in height.

And these lands of the colonists shall be locted in one or more bodies & in such parts, as a regard to health, character of soil & advantages of situation may direct, & shall be distributed among them by lot.

But no individual shall be under obligations to clear or settle upon any lands as mentioned in this section contrary to his desire & his refusal to do so at the expiration of his term, shall be taken as the final expression of his will & the land which should have been recieved by him, shall be allotted to some other colonist as his portion.

6. At the expiration of the term of 15 months, each individual shall be allowed the privelege of continuing the cultivation of the cotton fields planted by him or of leasing such right to any other colonist entitled to the same privilege, for a period of 10 years dating back to the time of his landing in the lagoon; provided he has shown himself to have been, an industrious & deserving person & shall agree to cultivate the fields & gather & clean the cotton fuccording to my directions, for the share of nine-tenths of the whole & shall maintain the original number of cocoa-nut trees growing upon such fields & collect & prepare the produce for market for one half of the whole — such persons furnishing their own impliments provisions &c.

9th

At the expiration of the period for which this system shall be in operation, all the impliments, machines, stock &c mentioned in section 5th, shall be delivered into the possession of the colonists; unless the Government shall arrange for its continuation.

_______________________

A plan not materially differing from the above was forwarded to the President during the month of November last. But on mature consideration, it has appeared advisable to the undersigned, to reduce the expense on the part of the Government to as low a figure as possible, lest the outlay should be any obstacle to its adoption.

By an increase of the expense by an amount not exceeding $3,000, the land could be cultivated by plow & the amount somewhat increased. The horses for this purpose, could be purchased in the savannas of Cheriqui at $12 per head, & a portion of the forest thinned out & sowed with certain kinds of grasses by the first colonists, would furnish sufficient provender before the accession of those succeeding them.

It is confidently believed by the undersigned, that a portion of the freedmen can be settled upon the lands of Cheriqui, more advantageously to themselves than upon the confiscated lands along our southern sea-coast; especially if the occupancy of those lands can only be for a limited period.4

4 Late in 1863 the Federal government adopted a policy whereby plantations of rebels seized by the Union were leased to Freedmen.

In any event there will be thousands who will be unable to take advantage of the opportunity offered them of procuring such lands, from the want of some means of support while their crops are growing. Under the system herein proposed they will be provided for until they are able to support themselves from their own land & have erected a dwelling upon it — will be possessed of a sum of money at the end of their term greater, probably than they could save up from their earnings during the same period elsewhere & are offered for 10 years a source of income, (independent of their own property) more than sufficient for their support.

In the tropics the Sea Island cotton is a perenial & lasts & bears abundantly for five or six years. In four years many of the palms would commence bearing & would yield a full crop of 100 or more nuts on the following season. The average period of the trees producing woud not exceed five or at most six years.

There is always a market in the Lagoon for cocoa-nuts, at $8 to $16 per 1000, & double that amount can be procured for them in New York.

The trees planted by each colonist, would not be worth less than $75 to him in any year & in ordinary times would bring him in double that amount, while his share of the produce of the cotton fields, would be worth much more.

When the cotton plant has fully developed itself, the labor of cultivation becomes comparatively little & the cultivation of a cocoa-nut grove consists almost solely in collecting the fruit. The families of the colonists or a few individuals detailed from each division, would be sufficient for the performance of all the work.

The land allotted to the colonists, could be cut & burned at the rate of 10 or 12 days to the acre. But allowing three months for the clearing & planting of the land, it will leave twelve months remaining for the growth & maturity of the cotton, a period three or four months longer than it has in this country & an average yield of 300 lbs, which is no more than the usual crop on good lands at the South, may be reasonably calculated upon.

That the climate of Cheriqui is adapted to the cotton plant, may be seen from the numerous specimens found growing wild about every settlement & maturing an abundant crop of pods although standing in the sod or in the shade of other trees.

The climate of Cheriqui is mild & moist, & without doubt, the long staple cotton can be raised in as great perfection on the island of the Lagoon, as on those off the coast of Georgia & Carolina.

Taking the estimate of 300 lbs as the average yield per acre, the value of the crop raised by the first colony at the present price of 80 cts per lb, would amount to $480,000. But if we base our calculations upon 25 cts as a sum below which the price of Sea Island cotton is not liable to fall, nor in all probability that of the short staple for the next three or fur years to come, the crop will still be worth $150,000, a sum, which, after the share of one tenth has been deducted for the colonists, will be nearly double the amount of any expense which the Government can incur in their behalf.

If the colonists were collected at New-Orleans or along the Gulf Coast, it would shorten the distance of transportation by nearly half & should not take above five or six days to convey them to the Lagoon. The Government having numerous vessels, especially designed for transporting men, should be able to convey them at a comparatively small expense. The cost of provisioning the first colony would be very materially diminished after the first three or four months, as many productions such as beans & peas, corn cassada & rice could be raised in that time. A large portion of the food required, could be had cheaper there than here. For instance, beef may be purchased in the savannas, a distance of only 20 or 30 miles from the Lagoon, at 3 or 4 cts per lb, & standing at $12 per head. The united efforts of over two hundred men, would soon open a rout by which they could be driven across without difficulty.

The avarage cost of provisioning the first colony of 1000 persons, would not exceed $150 per day.

In a climate where the productions of the soil can be planted during any month of the year with equal success — where three or four crops of pease & beans & two or three of sweet-potatoes, corn & rice can be raised upon the same spot of ground during the year, it requires but little space for man's support.

That the surplus raised upon the provision grounds will be sufficient for the purpose to which it is proposed to apply it, may be seen from the following estimate, of the amount & value of the produce of three or four of the principle crops planted

One half acre of upland rice, usually cultivated

there, twice sown, will yield at least 20 bushels worth at 6 cts per lb — $72

One fourth of an acre of beans — 10 bushels-worth30

“““of pease““30

“““of corn20““ 15

Total$147

It is needless to mention the produce of the yam cassada sweet potato &c.

In constructing the dwellings for the colonists it is proposed to form the exterior walls of adobe or sundried brick or of bamboo; both of which methods are in common use throughout the district of Cheriqui.

The palms growing abundantly about the Lagoon will furnish all the material needed, for covering any buildings which may be needed for the storage of cotton, provisions &c, & the barracks might be covered with the same, if it were not for the difficulty of procuring it at once.

If, on the other hand, thy are covered simply with tin, put on in such a way as to obviate the necessity of nailing, as is sometimes done, the skeleton or framework could be erected & the covering laid on in a few hours, while it would possess the advantage of being capable of being removed at any time & the building erected in a more convenient place. Such removal would be necessitated, from the fact that the buildings could not be erected at once where finallly needed on account of the forest.

Such material as here described for roofing would possess the additional advantage, of costing but little to convey it to the Lagoon, & would last long enough for all purposes required of it. When finally rusted through, it might be covered with pattern leaves & still form a good roof.

The small amount of land allotted to each individual to cultivate will leave an abundance of time, for clearing up & planting a portion of his own land & for erecting a dwelling, such as proposed upon it.

The following estimate of the outlay on the part of the Government which this scheme will involve will be found to be under rather than over the probable amount.

Provisioning the first colony of 1000 individuals$22000

One thousand axes1000

““ Spades.1000

““Hoes500

““Machetes150

200 froes100

“drawing Knives200

Five Cotton Gins500

Ten horses120

Waggons & harness175

Cooking utensils & carpenter's tools1000

Barracks1500

Propellor Eng2000

Rice huller & mill175

Total________________________$30,420

In asking the Government to procure a grant of land to each colonist, the undersigned does so under the belief that the demand will not be refused by the United States of Columbia. But even if it should have to purchase the land, it should not reasonably cost over 25 cts per acre. Thousands of acres of land have been bought & are still bought throughout Central America at that price & even less; & if the negroes were obliged to purchase the land at the same rate as here, it is the opinion of the undersigned that they could settle, with more advantage in the end, at Cheriqui then at the South.

The families of the first colonist, unless the government provisioned them, could not be taken to the Lagoon during the first six months. But as a large portion of the colonists would be unmarried, it would not cost more, perhaps not near so much to provide for their families as for them.

If necessary, such colony could be composed entirely of single persons.

If Congress shall adopt the plan herein proposed it will be the constant effort of the undersigned, to improve the condition of those placed under him, in every possible way; as well in regard to the future as the present, & to induce them to enter upon some regular system of culture. Having visited Cheriqui, expressly for the purpose of investigating the country for himself — of ascertaining its capabilities & adaptation to colonization purposes — its productions & their method of treatment — the difficulties of clearing the forest & the way in which they can best be obviated, he is perfectly confident, of his power of perfering all that is herein proposed, & the Government may rest assured, that if the proposition is accepted, no effort on is part will be spared, to carry it out successfully.

With all due respect,

Your obedient servant

Buel Conklin

Cold Spring L. I. Dec. 1st 1863

From Edward Everett to Abraham Lincoln, December 9, 1864

Mr. Edward Everett has received the copy of the President's message1 kindly forwarded by Mr. Nicolay, and begs to return his grateful acknowledgments.

1 For the text of Lincoln's 1864 Annual Message, see Collected Works, VIII, 136-53.

Boston 9 Decr. 1864.

From Ward H. Lamon to John G. Nicolay, December 15, 1864

New York

Dec 15. 1864

Dear John

Owing to business of very vital importance to me, I will be unable in justice to myself to leave here before Sunday night— I write to know how things are going and hope you will telegraph me at the 5th Av. Hotel — if it is necessary for me to return sooner—

I may be unnecessarily frightened about Mr Lincoln's personal safety — but I do assure you I think I have good reasons for my uneasiness about him

See that he don't go out alone either in the day or night time

Your

friend

Ward H Lamon

From John M. Palmer to John G. Nicolay, December 22, 1864

Carlinville Dec 22nd 1864

My Dear Sir

I am anxious to communicate directly with the President and with you with the hope that you will lay this letter before him

For reasons that Mr Lincoln understands I determined upon his first election not to embarass him by any application for office for myself nor for friends as far as I could avoid it I informed him in Washington in Feb. 1861 that I would ask nothing

When the rebellion broke out I went into the army because I thought it my duty The rebellion was against popular government as represented by Mr Lincolns administration and every obligation of manhood and patriotism compelled me During the Course of the war Mr Lincoln has done all for me that I could have asked in the way confidence and promotion I have never complained of him for I have nothing to complain of— I have as Col. Brig. Genl. and Maj. Genl been on duty in the field constantly for three years and three months of the war doing my duty with what success others must judge.

Still it seems to me that there is a strong feeling in the army or I ought to say with the regular army officers to get rid of all volunteer officers of rank They feel that all the good places in the army belong to them and under the influences that now control our affairs they have got most of them, I do not wonder at this and am not certain that I have ever been injured by it as my own intercourse with the army officers was generally pleasant and Genl Thomas1 is incapable of doing injustice to anybody I have had all that I ever asked From the actions of Congress and the tone of the newspapers it is apparent that there are some Generals (Major and Brigs) that the War Department and perhaps the President desire to be rid of.2 These are generally called “The Unemployed Generals,” and it has occurred to me as possible (I had hoped it not to be probable) that I am one of them3 Now will you be good enough to say to the President that as I entered the army from the belief that I could best serve the country there I am willing to retire from it the moment I cease to be useful and he is the proper judge of when that moment arrives if it ever does And the slightest intimation of his belief that I can no longer be useful or that he desires the surrender of my commission will result in my immediate resignation

1 Maj. Gen. George H. Thomas

2 On December 8, 1864 a resolution was introduced in the House “to drop from the rolls of the army unemployed general officers.” The measure passed the House, but the Senate, on January 9, 1865, voted to postpone consideration indefinitely.

3 Palmer was relieved, at his own request, as commander of the 14th Corps in August 1864 as a result of his refusal to take orders from an officer he considered his junior.

I will not if I am made conscious of it embarass him one moment. I believe Mr Lincoln to be friendly to me. I will not regard frankness on this subject as evidence of contrary feelings, I have only to add that my self respect would forbid that I should remain long connected with the army as an “unemployed General”, I have as yet not reported for duty or asked employment but will do so immediately after the meeting of the legislature unless it shall before that time be intimated to me that the President shall prefer that the Commission I hold should be transferred to some other person4

4 The Illinois General Assembly convened on January 2, 1865. Palmer was named to command the reconstituted Department of Kentucky on February 10, 1865.

I repeat please lay this before the President5

5 See Nicolay to Palmer, December 30, 1864.

I am as ever

Your friend

John M Palmer

From Abraham Lincoln to Thomas J. Durant [Draft in John Hay's Hand]1, December 24, 1864

1 According to the Washington Chronicle of January 31, 1865, this letter of Lincoln's was read by Durant in Louisiana on January 25 “before a large assemblage of ladies, gentlemen, and colored people.” See Collected Works, VIII, 179n.

Executive Mansion.

Washington, December 24, 1864.

My Dear Sir

I have received the elegantly-mounted volume, commemorative of the celebration in honor of the passage of the Ordinance of Emancipation of the State of Louisiana, held on the 11th of June, in New Orleans, which you, in behalf of the following citizens of that State: Henry Raymond, François Boisdoré, John Smith, Peter Hillud, Robert Smith, A. L. Young, Henry Chevunne, Lawrence Quanders, Rev. Geo. W. Steptoe, Rev. R. H. Steptoe, and Rev. S. W. Rogers, have had the kindness goodness to transmit to me.

I beg that you will convey express to the donors the assurance of my grateful appreciation of their kindness, and that you will accept my personal acknowledgments for the manner in which you have conveyed their present this manifestation of their regard.

I am very truly

Your Obedient Servant

James M. Ashley, Circular Letter, December 25, 1864

[Note:]

Confidential

WASHINGTON, D. C.,

December 25th, 1864.

DEAR SIR

The importance of the vote to be taken in the House Monday, January 9th, on the Constitutional Amendment, cannot be overestimated.1 If every member known to be in favor of the Amendment is present on that day, the vote for it will be one hundred and eight, including the Speaker.

1 The final House vote on the resolution submitting the Thirteenth Amendment (abolishing slavery) to the states was not taken until January 31, when it passed 119 to 56.

Of the Opposition, nineteen are set down as doubtful. Eight or ten of this number we hope will vote for the proposition, and the others may voluntarily absent themselves.

Fifty-six members are regarded as sure to vote against us, if they are present. It is believed, however, that quite a number of gentlemen classed as certainly against us, desire the Amendment to pass, if it can be done, without their votes. If they are present, however, they will vote against it.

I need not press upon you the necessity of your presence in the city on Saturday, the 7th inst.

If from any cause you are uncertain as to whether you can be present or not, please telegraph some member of the Opposition at once, and secure a pair, and as soon as you secure one, telegraph the fact to me, and have whoever you pair with telegraph me also, so that I may know Saturday night exactly how the vote will stand.

Pardon me if I make another suggestion. If you can, through some personal friend, have the Opposition papers in your locality and throughout the State, come out daily for a number of days in favor of letting the Amendment pass, claiming that its passage would forever dispose of the slavery agitation, I think it would secure us some votes which we cannot now hope for.

Respectfully,

J. M. ASHLEY.

[Endorsed by Ashley:]

Dr Sir — You must help us one vote Dont you know of a sinner in the opposition who is on praying ground?2 J M Ashley

2 In the early days of January, Lincoln spent a considerable amount of time meeting with opponents of the resolution in an attempt to sway enough of them to assure its passage.

From John G. Nicolay to John M. Palmer, December 30, 1864

Copy

Washington, Dec 30, 1864.

My dear Sir:

I have duly received your letter of the 22d inst., and read the same to the President, as you desired me to do.1

1 See Palmer to Nicolay, December 22, 1864.

In reply, the President requested me to say to you that you were not mistaken in the kindness and regard he entertains for you, and that he desired you to follow the course you had indicated in your letter, until you should hear from him.

Your obt Servt

Jno. G. Nicolay

Priv. Sec.

From James Harlan to Abraham Lincoln, December 31, 1864

Washington City D. C.

Dec. 31st. 1864

To the President:

A few days since at the request of Mr. Mitchel, emigrant Commissioner,1 I enclosed his statement of account for services. He says that the President alone can fix the rate of compensation and order its payment. Mr. Mitchell desires some such order as the enclosed.

1 James Mitchell, an Indiana minister, was appointed the commissioner of emigration in 1862.

He doubtless needs his pay, as he is not rich.

With the greatest respect

Your obd't Serv't

Jas Harlan

[Endorsement:]

The Treasurer of the United States will settle with James Mitchell, Commissioner of Emigration at the rate of $per annum, from the date of his Commission June 3d 1862 to June 31st 1864.

From Joseph Medill to [John G. Nicolay], [1864]

Confidential

I am gratified at the president's treatment of you and what he said in relation to my self. I was a little chagrined last May when I was in Washn. and could not get to see him I called four times and sent in my card each time, but was not received I thought it was unhandsome on his part but perhaps he was too busy. I have done as you know, first and last, a great deal for L. but never asked a personal favor of him to the value of a cent in return. We have accorded him a hearty support in any act of his, that was entitled to our backing. Of course we could not commend the proslavery features of the first 18 months of his administration. But while he has been true to anti slavery principles we have stood firmly for him and if he has chalked out a straight anti slavery policy for the future we are for his re-election against all others.

And right here let me observe that the very best stroke of policy he could possibly adopt would be to send Blair1 to Berlin and put Judd2 in the cabinet. Judd can do him more service in the presidential race than 40,000 Blairs, and more than any ten men in Washington in or out of his cabinet You ought to tell the president so; you may say it is my firm conviction and I am sorely mistaken in relation to the value of men. Bates3 is a poor stick and ought to be slid out He is not in sympathy with the Radical policy which is the only one that can carry the country safely through the storm Winter Davis4 would be worth fifty of him for Atty Gen. He is also a far abler man With Judd and Davis in the Cabinet things would move along with vigor in those departments and they would give the President sound advice and safe counsel. I don't know that it would be good policy to take Davis out of the Cabinet,5 but he is a splendid man, a great man, who will become a power in the land.

1 Montgomery Blair

2 Norman B. Judd

3 Edward Bates

4 Henry Winter Davis

5 Medill undoubtedly meant to write “out of the Congress,” as Davis was then serving as a representative from Maryland.

I enclose you an article6 in relation to the enormous Navy estimate that I would like Mr Welles to see. We shall fight any such appropriation as that for the Navy; it is not needed and all expenses ought to be reduced to the lowest possible point. More iron vessels or big slow war ships is humbug, & swindle on the treasury

6 This enclosure is missing.

Yours Truly

J. Medill

From Ward H. Lamon to John G. Nicolay, January 4, 1865

Supreme Court Room

Washington D. C.

Jan 4th 18645

My Dear Sir;

I have just learned through the Hon Reverdy Johnson — that, (as he represents the matter) the members of the United States Senate and members of Congress were not invited to the President's reception on the 2nd instant—1 I regret this if it be as represented; I know that it was an inadvertant omission upon your part.

1 On January 2 the Lincolns held their annual New Year's reception. Diplomatic and cabinet officers were scheduled to appear at noon, military officers and Supreme Court justices at 12:30, and members of the general public at 1:00.

I learn that there is some feeling upon the subject.

I write this note to inform you of the facts as they come to me, in order that you may take such action as you may deem proper in the premises—

I have the honor to be your

Obt

Servt

Ward H Lamon

U S Marshal

D. C.

From Thomas C. Fletcher to Abraham Lincoln1, January 11, 1865

1 Fletcher served as governor of Missouri from 1865 to 1869.

The following Telegram received at Washington, 1020 P. M. Jany 11th 1865.

From Jefferson City Jany 11 1865.

Free Mo greets her elder sisters2

2 A state constitutional convention began its proceedings in St. Louis on January 6 and adopted an emancipation ordinance on the 11th. The ordinance was incorporated into a new constitution that was ratified by a margin of less than two thousand votes in a referendum held on June 6.

T. C. Fletcher

Gov Mo

From James R. Gilmore to Abraham Lincoln, January 15, 1865

New York, Jan'y 15/65.

My dear Mr. Lincoln,

I wrote you yesterday1 offering to go to Govr Vance2 for the purpose of attempting to detach North Carolina from the Confederacy. I sent the letter — that it might be read by no one but yourself — under cover to Mr Nicolay, and it has just occurred to me that, as he may be away, it may not reach you promptly. I therefore write again.

1 Gilmore's January 14 letter is not in this collection.

2 Zebulon B. Vance was Governor of North Carolina from 1862 to 1865.

I can get to Govr Vance under the most favorable auspices & have reason to think I could accomplish much good by going. In fact, I feel confident that No. Ca. can be brought back as soon as Govr Vance, and some other leading men of the State, know exactly what you will do for them.3 In five minutes conversation I can satisfy you that I can get access to Vance, and in the right way, with out authority from you, and with only one other person but yourself knowing the reason of my seeing him.

3 In fact, Governor Vance was opposed to any separate peace with the Union. A group of North Carolinians laid a similar plan before Vance who adamantly refused to have anything to do with it.

I have mentioned this project to no one and shall not do so. If you would like to confer with me about it, please say by Telegraph or mail: “Come on to Washington”, and I will do so, at once.4 Please address me in the care of Ticknor & Fields, Publishers, Boston, Mass.

4 Lincoln apparently responded through John Hay on January 26. The letter, however, has not been located. See Gilmore to Lincoln, February 2, 1865.

Yours, very resp'y,

James R. Gilmore

From Philip S. Justice to John G. Nicolay, January 18, 1865

Philada Jany 18th 1865

Dear Sir

I now enclose you a photograph of the letter said to be written by Mr Lincoln, the plate of which is in my possession as well as the original note.1 This scamp has proposed to pay me $300 in cash, allow me to keep the $150 which he has already delivered to me and his notes at various dates, as stated in mine of yesterday for the balance due by him, if I will deliver up his papers Trunk &c.2 Now I naturally feel anxious to have that $300, and see no way to get it but by seeming to comply to his request in sending him his Trunk by Adams Express, to a point designated by him viz Albany, and on his paying the $300 they are to hand it over. I would then propose that the Govt should have a detective ready at the same moment to arrest him, search his trunk and take the papers. This will secure me the $300 on a/c of my loss & secure the Govt the papers He is a most adroit forger I feel satisfied and should I think be looked after. I am not at all disposed to let him go, but I have already been to great trouble & expense & think I should be relieved from it by the Government. Am I not right in this? I have written Mr Burr to day that his offer is too small, that he must raise for me $500 in cash, and state what day it would be ready & I would send his Trunk, but I did not promise to send anything more. I find he has a book published in Baltimore called the Autographs of the Nations Great Men & Authors I think. In this is Mr Lincolns autograph with others all done by Printing process of course, but at the bottom of the leaf Mr Lincoln has written a few lines from one of his messages (as Burr told me) and signed it in ink. From a critical examination I would pronounce it perfect, or nearly a perfect copy, of the genuine signature & which Burr has written at the foot of the letter reccommendatory. Please let me know if the Govt wishes to pursue this matter any further & if they will take up the thread where I drop it.3 There will be no time to lose I think

1 The letter was a forged copy of a recommendation given by Lincoln to Maurice H. Burr on the strength of a letter from Norman B. Judd, the American Minister in Berlin.

2 Burr had apparently swindled Justice out of $1300 while staying with him in Philadelphia. Justice had somehow come into possession of Burr's personal papers, and Burr wanted them back.

3 See also Justice to Lincoln, January 13, 1865; and Justice to Nicolay, January 17, 23, 1865.

I am Sir

Respy Your friend

Philip S Justice

I am impressed with the conviction that he is more than a mere accomplished swindler. His feelings I know are antagonistic to our Cause but I can not now see behind them

[Enclosure:]

Washington Dec. 15. 1864

To The Governors and

Lieutenant Governors

of the several States

of the United States

Gentlemen

Mr M. H. Burr the bearer of this note has brought me a letter from Berlin from the Hon Norman. B. Judd. Minister to Prussia, and from the high character vouched for by Mr Judd, I have no hesitation in affirming that Mr Burr is a gentleman of such confirmed good standing and unimpeachable honour as to merit the kind esteem and attention of all just men.

Respectfully Yours,

Abraham Lincoln.

[Endorsed by Justice:]

Mr Rehn the photographer, regrets that in the haste of pressing this printing for to day that it was left too long in the instrument and became blackened in consequence. Other wise the paper would have been white as the original

P S J

From Abraham Lincoln to Ulysses S. Grant [Copy in John Hay's Hand]1, January 19, 1865

1 Both Lincoln and his son Robert were anxious that the latter don the Union uniform before the war was over. Mary Lincoln resisted the idea, having lost two sons to illness already, until her husband finally prevailed. On February 11, 1865, Robert Todd Lincoln was appointed captain and assistant adjutant general of volunteers. He resigned his commission on June 10, 1865. For Grant's reply, see Grant to Lincoln, January 21, 1865.

Washington, Jan 19th, 1865.

Lieut. General Grant:

Please read and answer this letter as though I was not President, but only a friend— My son, now in his twenty-second year, having graduated at Harvard, wishes to see something of the war before it ends; I do not wish to put him in the ranks, nor yet to give him a commission, to which those who have already served long are better entitled, and better qualified to hold. Could he, without embarrassment to you, or detriment to the service, go into your Military family with some nominal rank, I, and not the public, furnishing his necessary means? If no, say so without the least hesitation, because I am as anxious & as deeply interested, that you shall not be encumbered, as you can be yourself—

Yours truly

A. Lincoln.2

2 Signed by Lincoln.

[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]

Gen. Grant.

From Ulysses S. Grant to Abraham Lincoln, January 21, 1865

Annapolis Junction, Md.

Jan,y 21st 1865

Sir:

Your favor of this date in relation to your son serving in some military capacity is received.1 I will be most happy to have him in my military family in the manner you propose. The nominal rank given him is immaterial but I would suggest that of Capt. as I have three staff officers now, of considerable service, in no higher grade. Indeed I have one officer with only the rank of Lieut. who has been in the service from the beginning of the war. This however will make no difference and I would still say give the rank of Capt.—2 Please excuse my writing on a half sheet. I had no resource but to take the blank half of your letter.

1 See Lincoln to Grant, January 19, 1865, in which Lincoln asked Grant to find a place for Robert on his staff.

2 Robert Lincoln was made assistant adjutant general of volunteers with the rank of captain, to date from February 11, 1865. He resigned on June 10.

Very respectfully

Your obt. svt,

U. S. Grant

Lt. Gen

From James R. Gilmore to Abraham Lincoln, February 2, 1865

New York, Feb'y 2 1865

My dear Mr Lincoln:

Your favor of 26th ulto. through Mr Hay, is just recv'd. Things have come to my knowledge since I wrote my first note to you, which would seem to almost insure success in the direction I indicated.1 If events should induce you to alter your opinion, please to bear in mind that I hold myself ready to serve you or the country, “on my own hook”, and without fee as reward.

1 In a January 15 letter to Lincoln, Gilmore proposed that he be allowed to seek out Governor Zebulon B. Vance of North Carolina for the purpose of attempting to persuade him to detach that state from the Confederacy. The letter is in this collection.

Yours, Most resp'y,

J. R. Gilmore.

From J. Gregory Smith to Abraham Lincoln1, February 9, 1865

1 Smith was Governor of Vermont from 1863 to 1865. He was in Washington to confer with the Provost Marshal General about Vermont's draft quotas.

St Albans Willards Hotel

Washington D C

Feb. 9th 1865

Sir.

Will you please appoint a time when I can see you—2 I am very anxious to leave for home and it is important that I see you before I leave.

2 See Lincoln to Smith, February 8, 1865, in which the President discusses the quota issue. See also Smith to Lincoln, February 10.

I have the honor to be

Very Respy

Yr obdt Servt

J. Gregory Smith

Gov of Vermont

From William Lloyd Garrison to Abraham Lincoln1, February 13, 1865

1 Garrison was perhaps the most noted and notorious American abolitionist, the founder and editor of The Liberator. At first hostile to the Lincoln administration, his attitude moderated after the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation.

Boston, Feb. 13, 1865.

Dear Mr. President:

Your kind and very satisfactory letter, in reply to mine,2 acknowledging the receipt of Mr. Carleton's painting, “The Watch-Night, or Waiting for the Hour,” is received, putting me in possession of what I shall value very highly — namely, your autograph.3 I felt very reluctant to trouble you about the matter; for I know that you must be not only overwhelmed, but almost literally crushed, by the multitudinous matters constantly pressing upon you; and, as I told you last June, my astonishment is that you are above ground. Happily, you are blessed with an elasstic and a cheerful spirit; and may you be inspiringly sustained to the end! May you be of those, who, divinely strengthened and guided, are enabled to run, and not be weary; to walk, and not faint! God save you, and bless you abundantly! As an instrument in his hands, you have done a mighty work for the freedom of the millions who have so long pined in bondage in our land — nay, for the freedom of all mankind. I have the utmost faith in the benevolence of your heart, the purity of your motives, and the integrity of your spirit. This I do not hesitate to avow at all times. I am sure you will consent to no compromise that will leave a slave in his fetters. It is slavery that has brought this dreadful war upon us; and only through liberty will Heaven vouchsafe to our distracted and bleeding country peace. Vast and solemn are your responsibilities; and you need and deserve whatever of comfort, encouragement and support can be given to you. Pardon me for intruding upon your attention a moment longer. I have just seen, with sorrow and dismay, an announcement that Major Thorndike C. Jameson, connected with a Heavy Artillery Regiment of Rhode Island, has just been sentenced, by court martial, to be dishonorably dismissed from the service, to pay a fine of $8000, and to be imprisoned at hard labor in Norfolk for a period of three years! It is a terrible sentence; but if he is guilty to the extent warranting such a fate, then the cry must be for mercy, as far only it may be safely granted. I have known Major Jameson for several years — first, as a theological student at Brown University; next, as pastor of a Baptist church in Providence; next, as pastor of a similar church in Melrose, near Boston; next, as pastor of his old church in Providence; next, as one of the first chaplains connected with the Rhode Island regiments; and, finally, as Major of Heavy Artillery. He has always been the special friend of the colored people, bond and free; and none more zealous than he in raising colored regiments. I have always esteemed and respected him — his wife being long among my most attached friends, and a daughter of the late George A. Otis, Esq. of Boston, the translator of Botta's works. I cannot believe that he is really guilty of the frauds alleged against him; and yet it is possible he may have fallen by the pressure of temptations. But most respectfully and tenderly would I beg you to look into his case, and see that he is not sacrificed to personal malice, or on account of his anti-slavery principles and sentiments. My fear is, that he is the victim of an artful conspiracy, or of some bad men. His suffering and estimable wife has gone to Washington to lay the case before you; and I am confident that you will try to temper judgment with mercy.4

2 See Garrison to Lincoln, January 21, 1865; and Lincoln to Garrison, February 7, 1865.

3 Carleton's painting depicted a traditional New Year's eve watch night service in a black church. This watch night, December 31, 1862, the eve of emancipation, was certainly the most meaningful of all.

4 Jameson was pardoned and released from custody on March 17, 1865. See Collected Works, VIII, 289; and Edward O. C. Ord to Lincoln, February 11, 1865.

Yours, with the highest esteem,

Wm. Lloyd Garrison.

From John B. Henderson et al. to Abraham Lincoln, February 13, 1865

Washington City

Feby 13 1865

Mr President:

Col McClaren1 is a prominent citizen of the city of St. Louis. He calls on you in reference to military assessments recently made in that city.2

1 Charles McLaren commanded a militia unit in St. Louis early in the war.

2 When Gen. Grenville M. Dodge assumed command of the Department of Missouri in December 1864 he imposed an assessment on the citizens of St. Louis to reimburse the government for the care of refugees. See Official Records, Series I, Volume 48, Part I, 966.

I have known Col M. for many years by character. He is known, I think as a gentleman of strong southern feeling but from his own assurances, on which you may rely, as well as from the reputation of his past conduct, I cannot think he has ever given aid, counsel or comfort to the enemies of the country. But of these matters, Mr Blair,3 who will accompany him to see you, can speak far more advisedly than I can.

3 Francis P. Blair, Jr.

Of the propriety or rather the impropriety of military assessments in the border states or anywhere except by an occupying army, for the mere purpose of subsisting that army, you already have my opinion.

I do not know how pressing the necessities of the refugees may be at St Louis, but I have no doubt that a call upon the charities of the citizens would meet with entire success and perhaps many who are assessed would be glad to give and thus, relieve themselves from the implication continued in the assessment.4

4 See Collected Works, VIII, 297, 342; Henry T. Blow to Lincoln, February 14, 1865, and John Pope to Lincoln, March 8, 1865.

Yours truly

J B Henderson

Austin A King

Wm A Hall

James. S. Rollins.

Jno. G. Scott

[Endorsed by S.H. Boyd:]

upon the recommendations of Hon Messrs Henderson & Blair I concur &c

S. H. Boyd5

5 All the signers were members of the Missouri Congressional delegation. Henderson was a senator, and Austin A. King, William A. Hall, James S. Rollins, John G. Scott, and Sempronius H. Boyd were representatives.

[Endorsement:]

We concur in within opinion of Hon J. B Henderson.

From Moses F. Odell to John G. Nicolay1, [February 1865]

1 Odell was a Democratic Congressman from New York.

Friend Nicolay

As agreed upon I enclose to you the application of a persistent rebel in a sick & dying condition.2 Will be obliged if you will obtain for me the pardon.

2 The application has not come to light.

Yours try

M. F. Odell

[Endorsement:]

Odell

Order Made

Feb 13. 1865

From Henry T. Blow to Abraham Lincoln, February 14, 1865

252 F St

Washington Feb 14. 65.

Sir:

Since my interview with you on yesterday, I have conversed with the parties referred to by you, and all of them except Messrs Loan, McClurg & Knox1 have signed Senator Henderson's letter,2 which I have the honor to enclose. Col McClurg is in favor of expelling and assessing: Gen Loan favors his old policy & in addition, hanging in some cases; Mr Knox as I understand him agrees pretty much with both of these gentlemen— All of course refer to the class, suspected of being in sympathy with the South, without regard to oaths taken & adhered to with the greatest fidelity & not even excepting men who like Col McClaren3 conduct themselves with a sincerity & propriety that ensures the confidence of our best Union men.

1 Benjamin F. Loan, Joseph W. McClurg, and Samuel Knox were members of Congress from Missouri.

2 See John B. Henderson et al. to Lincoln, February 13, 1865.

3 Charles McLaren and other citizens of St. Louis were subjected to an assessment of $10,000 by Gen. Grenville M. Dodge upon his assumption of command of the Department of Missouri in December 1864. Dodge imposed the assessment to recover money spent by the government for the care of refugees. See Official Records, Series I, Volume 48, Part I, 966.

For myself, Sir, I am of the opinion, that the best interests of the Union cause, as well as the Peace, happiness & prosperity of Missouri, will be promoted by recognizing as entitled to our protection, those who have adhered faithfully to their oaths, while conducting themselves as quiet, law abiding citizens. It seems to me, at least, that all such now under suspicion, should have an opportunity of defending their reputations as somewhat honest men—

Under all the circumstances I am opposed to the assessment alluded to, & believe it unwise & unjust.

I am, Sir, with thanks for the consideration extended,

Very respectfully,

Your Obt Svt,

Henry. T. Blow.

[Note in Margin:]

The assessment commences to morrow, I hope your decision will be made known to day: Very respy &c. H T. Blow.

[Endorsement:]

7 concur—

3 refuse—

From Winfield S. Hancock to John G. Nicolay, February 20, 1865

Washington D. C.

Feby 20th 1865.

My Dear Sir,

I think the President would like to see the great map of the battle field of Gettysburg and in order that he may have that opportunity I have sent the author, with a copy of the map to you: The Gentleman's name is J B. Bachelder of Boston Mass.1

1 John B. Bachelder spent nearly three months on the Gettysburg battlefield shortly after the close of the engagement, interviewing wounded soldiers in field hospitals and making notes. He later visited the winter encampment of the Army of the Potomac where he was able to interview officers who had played a part in the battle. His excellent battlefield map was published in Boston by George H. Walker & Co. in late 1863.

I am very truly

Your obt Sevt

Winfd S. Hancock

Major Gen U. S. Vols.

From Gustavus V. Fox to John G. Nicolay, February 22, 1865

Washington, Feby 22 1865

Dear Sir:

Early in April 1861, the U S S Powhatan, under the command of Lieut. D. D. Porter, was despatched from New York to Pensacola on confidential service.1 The orders were from the President direct and do not appear in the records of this Department. If there is a record of them in your office, will you be kind enough to furnish a copy for the files of this department?

1 David D. Porter, aboard the USS Powhatan, was dispatched by special Presidential order to the relief of Ft. Pickens in Pensacola harbor. See Official Records, Series I, Volume 1, 406-07; and Nicolay to Fox, February 24, 1865.

Very respect &c

G. V. Fox.

From John G. Nicolay to Gustavus V. Fox, February 24, 1865

Copy

Washington, Feb'y 24, 1865.

Dear Sir:

In reply to your letter of the 22d inst., the President requests me to say that he thinks no record was kept here of the orders given to Lieut. D. D. Porter, in regard to his confidential mission to Pensacola in the U. S. S. Powhatan, in 1861.1 The President however remembers that Lieut. Porter was selected at the suggestion of Brevet. Maj. Genl. (then Captain) Montgomery C. Meigs, who, he thinks may be able to inform you where the records or memoranda you desire were kept.

1 David D. Porter, aboard the USS Powhatan, was dispatched by special Presidential order to the relief of Ft. Pickens in Pensacola harbor. See Official Records, Series I, Volume 1, 406-07; and Fox to Nicolay, February 22, 1865.

Your obt servt

(signed) Jno. G. Nicolay

Priv. Sec.

From Hannibal Hamlin to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1, March 7, 1865

1 Per the former vice president's request, Talbot and Wentworth were appointed to the offices named, and Browne was appointed and confirmed an assistant paymaster in the Navy.

Wash Mar 7 1865

My Dear Sir

I earnestly desire you will re appoint the following officers — for the reasons I have personally state to you—

Saml. T. Brown Navy Agent. Washington D. C.

Charles J Talbot Surveyor, Portland, Me.

Col Mark F. Wentworth Kittery, Maine, as Naval Store Keeper.

Very Truly

H Hamlin

[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]

Vice-President Hamlin.

Abraham Lincoln, Address to an Indiana Regiment1, [March 17, 1865]

1 The regiment in question was the 140th Indiana Volunteer Infantry, which had captured a flag at Fort Anderson, North Carolina, and was presenting it to the governor of Indiana. For a somewhat different version of this address as it appeared in a newspaper, see Collected Works, VIII, 360-62.

Fellow Citizens. A few words only— I was born in Kentucky, raised in Indiana, resided in Illinois, and now here, it is my duty to care equally for the good people of all the States. I am to-day see glad of seeing it in the power of an Indianana regiment to present this captured flag to the good governor of their State. And you yet I would not wish to compliment Indiana above other states, remembering that all have done so well. There are but few aspects of this great war on which I have not already expressed my views by speaking or writing— There is one — the recent effort of our erring brethren, sometimes so-called, to employ the slaves in their armies— The great question with them has been; “will the negro fight for them?” They ought to know better than we; and, doubtless, do know better than we— I may incidentally remark, however, that having, in my life, heard many arguments, — or strings of words meant to pass for arguments, — intended to show that this negro ought to be a slave, that if he shall now really fight to keep himself a slave, it will be a far better argument why should remain a slave than I have ever before heard— He, perhaps, ought to be a slave, if he desires it ardently enough to fight for it— Or, if one out of four will, for his own freedom, fight to keep the other three in slavery, he ought to be a slave for his selfish meanness— I have always thought that all men should be free; but if any should be slaves it should be first those who desire it for themselves, and secondly those who desire it for others— Whenever hear any one, even a preacher, arguing for slavery I feel a strong impulse to see it tried on him peronally—

There is one thing about the negroes fighting for the rebels which we can know as well as they can; and that is that they can not, at same time fight in their armies, and stay at home and make bread for them— And this being known and remembered we can have but little concern whether they become soldiers or not— I am rather in favor of the measure; and would at any time if I could, have loaned them a vote to carry it— We have to reach the bottom of the insurgent resources; and that they employ, or seriously think of employing, the slaves as soldiers, gives us glimpses of the bottom. Therefore I am glad of what we learn on this subject—

From Preston King to Abraham Lincoln, April 14, 1865

New York City April 14, 1865

Dear Sir

I send you a slip from a newspaper and beg leave to ask your attention to its Richmond news—1

1 King enclosed a clipping which reproduced an article appearing in the Richmond Whig of April 12, 1865. The article announced the call of a special session of the Virginia legislature, by approval of Gen. Godfrey Weitzel, commanding the Union forces occupying Richmond.

I told you when I last saw you that I had a great contempt for an office Hunter— I have about the same for one who is always giving advice before he is asked— But the meeting by the consent and with the safe conduct of U. S. authority of an insurgent legislative body is so strange a thing that I write to ask your attention to what purports to be going on at in Richmond as I find it reported in the newspapers this morning It seems to me that this is inconsistent with the proper and necessary distinction between insurrectionary and constitutional authority.

Very Respectfully

& very Truly Your

Obt Servt

Preston King

John W. Forney, List of Offices [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1, [1861]

1 The envelope in which this list is found identifies Forney as clerk of the House of Representatives. In fact he failed to be elected to that post, but at Lincoln's insistence he did become secretary of the Senate.

Both Colorado and Dakota were new territories in 1861.

Territory of Colorado.

Governor and Supt of Indian Affairs$2.500

Secretary1.800

Chief Justice1800

Two Associate Justices each1.800

Attorney 250 & fees

Marshal200 & fees

Surveyor General3.000

Territory of Dacotah

Governor and Supt of Indian Affairs2.500

Secretary1.800

Chief Justice1.800Two Associate Justices each1.800Attorney250 & feesMarshal200 & feesSurveyor General2.000Register of the Land Office for the Yanctin Dist.Receiverdo

Territory of Nevada

Governor and Supt of Indian Affairs$2.500

Secretary1.800

Chief Justice1.800

Two Associate Justices each1.800

Attorney250 & fees

Marshal200 & fees

Surveyor General3.000.

Territory of Washington

Supt of Indian Affairs$2500

Three Indian Agents each1500

[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]

New. Territories Salaries

[Abraham Lincoln and Jesse B. Thomas] Bill for Specific Performance1, [July 1837]

1 In this, one of Lincoln's first law cases, George Waggoner sued William Kirkpatrick (who retained Lincoln), when Kirkpatrick failed to give Waggoner a deed to land for which Waggoner had partially paid. Waggoner sued Kirkpatrick to complete the contract, but later dismissed the suit. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al. eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 4859.

State of Illinois}

Sangamon County}Circuit Court July Term 1837—

To the Honourable Judge presiding in the Sangamon Circuit in said State, sitting as a Court of Chancery. Humbly complaining sheweth unto your Honour your Orator George Waggoner, that on the 27th day of December 1834, at the County and State aforesaid one William Kirkpatrick, (whom your Orator prays may be made a defendant to this bill of complaint,) by his agent Thomas Kirkpatrick, made and executed his bond or agreement in writing under seal for the conveyance of a certain tract of land therein described, which said bond is in the words & figures following to wit

[In Lincoln's Hand:]

“This agreement made and entered into this 27th day of December 1834 between William Kirkpatrick by his agent and attorney in fact Thomas Kirkpatrick of the one part Witnesseth and George Waggoner of the other part Witnesseth: That the said William Kirkpatrick by his said agent and attorney in fact Thomas Kirkpatrick, hath this day sold to the said George Waggoner the North West fractional quarter of Section three in town sixteenth North Range six West of the third principal Meridian except four acres thereof heretofore conveyed to said Waggoner for the sum of Eight hundred dollars as follows to wit, the sum of $582-55 — the amount of the ballance due on two judgements in the Sangamon Circuit Court one in favour of said Waggoner and Dorrel against said William Kirkpatrick and the other in favour of said Waggoner against William Kirkpatrick and John Kirkpatrick and the ballance to be paid in sawing and grinding according to the terms of a note this day executed by said Waggoner to said Kirkpatrick for the sum of $217-45 and the said William Kirkpatrick is to make to said Waggoner a good title by General Warrantee deed for said land within three months or on demand afterwards.

In witness whereof the said William Kirkpatrick by Thomas Kirkpatrick his agent and attorney hath hereunto set his hand and affixed his seal this 27th day of December 1834

William Kirkpatrick

by Thomas Kirkpatrick”

[In Unknown Hand:]

Which said bond is herewith filed as Exhibit marked A & prayed to be made part of this bill— And your Orator further represents unto your Honour that although three months have long since Elapsed since the making and executing the aforesaid bond: and although your Orator has paid a part of the aforesaid sum of $217.45 according to the terms of the aforesaid note of your Orator to said Wm Kirkpatrick, and has been at all times ready and willing to pay the balance of said note, in Sawing and grinding according to the terms of said promissory note yet the said William Kirkpatrick has not made and executed to your Orator, a good title by general warranty deed for the land in Said bond described, according to the tenor and effect of said bond although often requested so to do— All of which actings and doings are contrary to equity and good conscience Wherefore your Orator prays your Honour to award against said William Kirkpatrick the peoples writ of subpoena commanding him the said William Kirkpatrick to appear, and true answer upon his corporal oath to make to the allegations in this your Orator's bill of complaint contained— And finally that your Honour upon the hearing of the said cause will order and decree that the said William Kirkpatrick, make and execute to your Orator a good and sufficient deed by general warranty, to the land in said bond described according to the terms of said bond; and to grant and decree such other and further Relief as to your Honour in the premises may Seem necessary and your Orator as in duty bound will ever pray &c

Thomas & Prickett2

2 Jesse B. Thomas, Jr. and David Prickett, both Democrats, were legal and political associates of Lincoln in Springfield and the surrounding area.

Solrs for Complainant

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

George Waggoner

vs}

Wm Kirkpatrick

[Endorsed by Thomas and Prickett:]

The Clerk will issue a subpoena in chancery, to the defendant herein, returnable to the next July term of this Court

Thomas & Prickett

for Complt

[Abraham Lincoln] Complaint1, May 29, 1839

1 This case had been dismissed late in 1838 after Cannan decided not to prosecute. Apparently it was refiled again in 1839, but its further disposition is unknown. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al. eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 2874.

State of Illinois}Of the July term of the Circuit Court for said county in

Sangamon County & }the year 1839—

Circuit —}

Manly F. Cannan, plaintiff, complains of Matthew P. Kenney, defendant, being in custody &C of a plea of Trespass: For that the said defendant onday of June in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirtyseven, at the county and Circuit aforesaid, with force and arms seized, took, and carried away of him the said plaintiff one sorrel horse of great value, to wit of the value of one hundred dollars, then and there found and being, and converted and disposed of the same to his own use, and other wrongs to the said plaintiff then and there did, against the peace and dignity of the People of the state of Illinois, and to the damage of the said plaintiff of one hundred dollars and therefore he sues &C.

Stuart2 & Lincoln pq

2 John T. Stuart

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

Manly F. Cannan

vs} Narr.

Matthew P. Kenney

Filed May 29th 1839

[M?] Butler Ck3

3 William Butler

[Abraham Lincoln] Affidavit1, November 12, 1839

1 Casey possessed a note on Bowles which was due, and Casey sued after Bowles failed to pay. Bowles (who was defended by Lincoln) was ordered by the court to pay the note to Casey plus interest. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 0281.

State of Illinois}

Menard County } SS

Thomas Bowles, the defendant in a certain suit in the Circuit Court of said county wherein John Casey admistrator &C of John Prince is plaintiff being first duly sworn, states on oath that he was regularly served with process in said cause, that it was his intention to appear and plead in said action; that he started from home for that purpose on sunday evening last and was only prevented reaching court by the calling of said cause, by losing his way, being a stranger in the country; and his residence being twenty six miles from Petersburgh in the most wilderness like part of the county— He further states that he has a good defence to said suit in this, towit; that he never executed or gave such a note as the one described in the plaintiffs declaration, and a copy of which is given at the end thereof— He therefore prays that further states that judgement in said cause was taken by default against him on yesterday— He therefore prays that said default may be set aside, and he permitted to plead in the cause—

Thomas Bowles2

2 The signature is by Bowles.

Sworn to and subscribed

before me this this 12th day

of Nov. A. D. 1839

Nathan Dresser Clerk

[Endorsement:]

John Casey

vs

Thomas Bowles

Affidavit of

Bowles

[Abraham Lincoln] Bill for Divorce1, November 13, 1839

1 With Lincoln as his attorney, Royal Clary sued his wife Sally for divorce on the grounds of adultery and desertion. The divorce was granted when Sally Clary failed to appear in court.

Royal Clary was an old friend of Lincoln, who had served with Lincoln in the Black Hawk War. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 5810.

To the Honorable the Judge of the Menard

Circuit Court, in Chancery sitting—

Humbly complaining, sheweth unto your Honor, your orator Royal A. Clary, that on the twelfth day of March A. D 1834 he was legally married to one Sally Jarvis, in the county of Sangamon and state of Illinois— Your orator further states that he and his said wife lived together as man & wife from the time of their said marriage: (he performing all the duties of an affectionate husband) until the thirteenth day of September A. D. 1839, when she, the said Sally Clary, left the bed and board of your orator at the county of Menard and state aforesaid, and eloped with one John Jones, and has ever since been living in an open state of adultry with the said Jones— Your orator further charges that his said wife, since the said marriage, and both before and since her said elopement, frequently committed adultry with the said John Jones—

In tender consideration of all which your orator prays that the said Sally Clary may be made a party to this bill; and that the People's writ of Subpoena may issue, requiring her to appear and answer all and singular the allegations of this bill; and that on a final hearing of this cause, your Honor will decree that the bonds of matrimony heretofore and now existing between your orator and the said Sally Clary, be forever dissolved; and that your Honor will grant such other and further relief as equity may require, and, as in duty bound &C—

D. A. Rutledge Solicitor2

2 The signature is by David A. Rutledge, the brother of Ann Rutledge, whom Lincoln courted in New Salem before her death in 1835.

for complainant

State of Illinois}

Menard County } SS

Royal A. Clary, who is about to commence a suit in Chancey in the Circuit court of the county aforesaid, against Sally Clary, being first duly sworn, states on oath that he is informed and verrily believes, that the said Sally Clary has gone out of this state.

R. A. Clary3

3 The signature is by Royal A. Clary.

Subscribed and sworn

to before me this 13th

day of November A. D. 1839

Nathan Dresser Clerk

[Endorsed by Nathan Dresser:]

Filed Nov. 13th

1839

N. Dresser Clerk

From Abraham Lincoln to Mary Speed1, September 27, 1841

1 This is a letter to the sister of Lincoln's closest friend, Joshua F. Speed. Lincoln had visited Speed and his family at Farmington, a plantation near Louisville, Ky., the month before and had returned to Springfield by boat in the company of Speed in early September. Lincoln would later, in an 1855 letter to Speed, recall their trip and the chained slaves they had traveled with on the steamboat (see Lincoln to Speed, Aug. 24, 1855, Collected Works, II, 320).

Bloomington, Illinois, Sept 27th 1841

My Friend:

Having resolved to write to some of your Mother's family, and not having the express permission of any one of them do so, I have had some little difficulty in determining on which to inflict the task of reading what I now feel must be a most dull and silly letter; but when I remembered that you and I were something of cronies while I was at Farmington, and that, while there, I once was under the necessity of shutting you up in a room to prevent your committing an assault and battery upon me, I instantly decided that you should be the devoted one—

I assume that you have not heard from Joshua & myself since we left, because I think it doubtful whether he has written—

You remember there was some uneasiness about Joshua's health when we left. That little indisposition of his turned out to be nothing serious; and it was pretty nearly forgotten when we reached Springfield. We got on board the Steam Boat Lebanon, in the locks of the Canal about 12 o,clock M. of the day we left, and reached St Louis the next Monday at 8 P.M— Nothing of interest happened during the passage, except the vexatious delays occasioned by the sand bars be thought interesting— By the way, a fine example was presented on board the boat for contemplating the effect of condition upon human happiness. A gentleman had purchased twelve negroes in diferent parts of Kentucky and was taking them to a farm in the South. They were chained six and six together— A small iron clevis was around the left wrist of each, and this fastened to the main chain by a shorter one at a convenient distant distance from the others; so that the negroes were strung together precisely like so many fish upon a trot-line— In this condition they were being separated forever from the scenes of their childhood, their friends, their fathers and mothers, and brothers and sisters, and many of them, from their wives and children, and going into perpetual slavery where the lash of the master is proverbially more ruthless and unrelenting than any other where; and yet amid all these distressing circumstances, as we would think them, they were the most cheerful and apparantly happy creatures on board. One, whose offence for which he had been sold was an over-fondness for his wife, played the fiddle almost continually; and the others danced, sung, cracked jokes, and played various games with cards from day to day— How true it is that “God tempers the wind to the shorn lamb,” or in other words, that He renders the worst of human conditions tolerable, while He permits the best, to be nothing better than tolerable—

To return to the narative. When we reached Springfield, I staid but one day when I started on this tedious circuit where I now am— Do you remember my going to the city while I was in Kentucky, to have a tooth extracted, and making a failure of it? Well, that same old tooth got to paining me so much that about a week since I had it torn out, bringing with it a bit of the jawbone; the consequence of which is that my mouth is now so sore that I can neither talk nor eat— I am litterally “subsisting on savoury remembrances” — that is, being unable to eat, I am living upon the remembrance of the delicious dishes of peaches and cream we used to have at your house—

When we left, Miss Fanny Henning2 was owing you a visit, as I understood— Has she paid it yet? If she has, are you not convinced that she is one of the sweetest girls in the world? There is but one thing about her, so far as I could perceive, that I would have otherwise than as it is— That is something of a tendency to melancholly— This, let it be observed, is a misfortune, not a fault— Give her an assurance of my very highest regard, when you see her—

2 Joshua Speed's fiancée.

Is little Siss Eliza Davis at your house yet? If she is, kiss her “o,er and o,er again” for me— Tell your mother that I have not got her “present” with me; but that I intend to read it regularly when I return home. I doubt not that it is really, as she says, the best cure for the “Blues” could one but take it according to the truth—3

3 A reference to a Bible given to Lincoln by Mrs. Speed.

Give my respects to all your sisters (including “Aunt Emma”4) and brothers— Tell Mrs Peay,5 of whose happy face I shall long retain a pleasant remembrance, that I have been trying to think of a name for her homestead, but, as yet, can not satisfy myself with one— I shall be verry happy to receive a line from you, soon after you receive this; and, in case you choose to favour me with one, address it to Charleston, Coles Co., Ills as I shall be there about the time to receive it—Your sincere friend

4 Possibly the niece of the poet John Keats, Emma Keats, who married Mary and Joshua's brother. See Collected Works, II, 261n.

5 Peachy Walker Speed Peay (Mrs. Austin Peay), an older sister.

A. Lincoln

[Abraham Lincoln] Bill for Goods and Services1, November 10, 1841

1 To collect a debt of $97, Johnson Elmore had sued Jacob Bale, while Bale at the same time claimed that he was owed by Elmore for farm labor. The justice of the peace awarded Elmore an amount of $8.58, after which Bale retained Lincoln and filed a counter-claim against what he owed Elmore. The court ruled in behalf of Bale. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 0201.

Johnson Elmore

To Jacob BaleDr

1841—To failure to cultivate ten acres of land

according to contract—$20-00

March — Cash to West1-00

“Work done by James Thomas.1-50

“18 bushels of oats- @ 20 cents.3-60

[Abraham Lincoln] Affidavit 1, January 18, 1842

1 Miles and McCoy sued Daniel P. Miles before a justice of the peace to collect a debt of $27.46. The justice ruled for Miles and McCoy but only allowed $1.19 of the amount they claimed. They then retained Lincoln and appealed to the circuit court. Daniel Miles there claimed to have paid his debt in full, but the appellants asserted that he owed for more purchases than he admitted, for they issued only one receipt to him after which he had made other purchases. The court ruled for Miles and McCoy. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 4859.

State of Illinois }

Menard County} ss

George U. Miles, and James P McCoy, trading under the style and firm name of Miles & McCoy, and plaintiffs in a certain suit now pending in the circuit court of the county aforesaid, which was taken into said court by appeal from one of the Justices of the Peace of said county, and in which Daniel Miles is defendant, being first, duly sworn, state upon oath, each for himself, that any instrument of writing purporting to be a receipt, or acknowledgement of payment, and purporting to have been made and executed by them to and in favour of said defendant, never was executed by them, said affiants, or either of them, excepting a certain receipt purporting to be given by said affiants to said defendant for the in full of all accounts up to its dat for the amount of his account in full of all demands up to the date thereof, bearing date the Sixth day of Sept A. D. 1841 and being in full up to that date, which was given by Thomas S. Laird, as affiant's agent, and which they admit is genuine—

G. U. Miles

J P McCoy2

2 The signatures are of Miles and McCoy.

Taken and subscribed before

me this 18th day of January

A. D. 1842—

Nathan Dresser Clerk

Circuit Court Menard Co.

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

Miles & McCoy

vs} affidavit

Danl Miles

[Endorsed by Nathan Dresser:]

Filed June 15th

1842

N. Dresser Clk

[Abraham Lincoln] Extract of Deed1, [June 1842]

1 This is a draft of a legal document drawn by Lincoln in 1842.

Whereas at the June term of the Christian County Circuit Court, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty, the a decree was made by said court in the words and figures following, towit:

(Here insert an exact copy of the decree including the entitling of the cause at the head of the decree, and then proceed as follows).

Now therefore I, Horatio M. Vandeveer, for and in consideration of the premises aforesaid, and by virtue of the authority in me vested by law and by the said decree of court, have granted, bargained, and sold, and by these presents do grant bargain and sell, unto the said James Baker, his heirs and assigns forever, all the right, title, interest and estate, which the said defendants to said decree, or any or either of them, have, or had at the time of the rendition of said decree, in and to the tract of land therein decreed to be conveyed to the said Baker—

To have and to hold to the said Baker, his heirs and assigns forever, the tract of land so decreed to be conveyed, together with all and singular the privileges and appurtenances thereunto belonging—

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal, as commissioner appointed by said decree, thisday ofin the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty two—

[Endorsement:]

Deed of Comrs in Chancery

[Abraham Lincoln] Declaration1, October 10, 1843

1 Vanmeter claimed that Bagley “swore a damned lie” by committing perjury in a lawsuit involving Vanmeter. Bagley retained Lincoln and sued Vanmeter for slander, requesting damages of $1000. The jury found for Bagley, awarding him $80, of which $30 went to Lincoln. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 0699.

State of Illinois }Of the October Term of the coles county

Coles County} SS—circuit court in the year A. D.

1843—

James H. Bagley, plaintiff, complains of Isaac D. Vanmeter, defendant, being in custody &C of a plea of Trespass on the case— For that whereas the said defendant, heretofore, towit on theday of May in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty threeat the county aforesaid, in the presence & hearing of divers good and worthy citizens of the state of Illinois, of and [among?] the said plaintiff, did willfully, maliciously and falsely, speak, utter and publish, of, and concerning the said plaintiff, the following false, malicious, and defamatory words, that is to say—

“He” (plaintiff meaning) “swore a lie”— “He” (plaintiff meaning) “swore a damned lie”— “He” (plaintiff meaning) “swore a lie, and I” (defendant meaning) “can prove it” “He” (plaintiff meaning) “swore a damned lie, and I” (defendant meaning) “can prove it”—

And whereas the said defendant also, afterwards, towit on the day and year aforesaid, at the county aforesaid, in the presence and hearing of divers other good and worthy citizens of the state of Illinois, did wilfully, maliciously and falsely speak, utter and publish, of to, and of and concerining, the said plaintiff, the following false, malicious, and defamatory words, that is to say — “You” (plaintiff meaning) “swore a lie” “You” (plaintiff meaning) “swore a damned lie”— “You” (plaintiff meaning) “swore a lie, an I” (defendant meaning) “can prove it” “You” (plaintiff meaning) “swore a damned lie, and I” (defendant meaining) “can prove it”—

By means whereof the said plaintiff hath been injured, and hath sustained: damage, in the sum of one thousanddollars, and therefore he brings his suit &C.

Lincoln p.q.

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

Bagley}

vs}Declaration

Vanmeter}

[Endorsed by N. Ellington:]

Filed October 10th 1843

N. Ellington Clerk

[Abraham Lincoln] Account1, November 6, 1843

1 White and Williams claimed that Baxter did not deliver a quantity of bricks on time and sued him for breach of contract. The jury in the justice of the peace court found for Baxter. With Lincoln as their attorney, White and Williams appealed to Menard County Circuit Court, where the jury found for them. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 0146.

George Baxter

To Wm H. White & Josiah WilliamsDr

To value of horse delivered$35-00

To failure to make brick according

to contract$35-00

G George Baxter

To Wm H White

George. H. Baxter George. H. Baxter

George. H. Baxter

George H Baxter

Dept A/C

White & Williams

To Geo Baxter

To labor in moulding brick — $10.00

[Endorsed by Nathan Dresser:]

White &

Williams

vs.

Baxter

A/C

Filed Nov. 6th 1843

N. Dresser Clk

[Abraham Lincoln] Answer for Court1, June 1, 1846

1 Young sued Goodan and several other parties to obtain title to a building lot in Taylorville, Illinois. Lincoln represented the defendants who were ordered to convey the lot, in return for an acreage which would be conveyed by Young. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 1612.

The separate answer of David C. Goodan to a Bill in chancery exhibited in the Christian circuit court, by James Young against this Respondent & others—

This Respondent, saving, reserving &c. for answer to said Bill, or to so much thereof as he is advised it is material for him to answer unto, answering, says, that the whole of said Bill, and the allegations thereof may be true, for ought he knows; and he therefore admits the same, with the exceptions herein after, appearing— He denies that he has been fully paid, by the said Hardin for the Lot and appurtenances, in said Bill mentioned; but, on the contrary, he alleges that the said Hardin was, by the contract to pay him the sum of three hundred and fifty dollars, for said Lot & appurtenances, and that two hundred and twenty sixtyfive dollars only, thereof has ever been paid him, leaving still due him, this Respondent, the sum of one hundred and twenty eightyfive dollars, & interest— Respondent also denies, that he ever contracted to pay to said Hardin any thing whatever, in connection with said Lot— He states that after he purchased said Lot &c. of said Matthews, he did through said Hardin upon the order of said Matthews; pay to said Hardin, the sum of forty five dollars; and that that is the only trans transaction relative to said Lot, that he has had with said Hardin— And now having fully answered, he prays to be hence discharged with his costs—

David C. Goodan2

2 The signature is Goodan's.

[Endorsed by N.M. Vanderveer:]

State of Illinois}

Christian County } SS.

David C. Goodan, being first duly sworn states on oath, that the within answer, by him subscribed is true in substance and in fact—David C. Goodan

Subscribed and sworn to}

before me this 1st day}

of June A. D. 1846.}

N. M. Vanderveer Clk.}

[Endorsement:]

Young}

vs.}Answer

Goodan et al}

[Endorsed by Vanderveer:]

Filed June 1. 1846

N. M. Vanderveer Clk

Abraham Lincoln, “My Child-hood Home I See Again,”1, 1846

1 Lincoln told a friend that he wrote these lines “under the following circumstances. In the fall of 1844, thinking I might aid some to carry the State of Indiana for Mr. Clay, I went into the neighborhood in that State in which I was raised, where my mother and only sister were buried, and from which I had been absent about fifteen years. That part of the country is, within itself, as unpoetical as any spot of the earth; but still, seeing it and its objects and inhabitants aroused feelings in me which were certainly poetry; though whether my expression of those feelings is poetry is quite another question.” (Lincoln to Andrew Johnston, April 24, 1846, Collected Works, I, 378.)

Lincoln first sent a version of stanzas 1-10 to his friend in Quincy, Illinois, later sending a version of the remaining stanzas. The friend, Andrew Johnston, subsequently had them published in the Quincy Whig on May 5, 1847. Lincoln referred to these verses as two of “four little divisions or cantos” based on his Indiana experience. Lincoln lived in Southwestern Indiana from ages 7 to 21, when he departed for Illinois. He described for Johnston the impression made on him by the “crazy man” referred to in the second “canto”: “His name is Matthew Gentry. He is three years older than I, and when we were boys we went to school together. He was rather a bright lad, and the son of the rich man of our very poor neighbourhood. At the age of nineteen he unaccountably became furiously mad, from which condition he gradually settled down into harmless insanity. When, as I told you in my other letter I visited my old home in the fall 1844, I found him still lingering in this wretched condition. In my poetizing mood I could not forget the impressions his case made upon me.” (Lincoln to Johnston, Sept. 6, 1846, Collected Works, I, 384.)

The versions of both “cantos” published in the Quincy Whig show a number of minor textual differences.

My child-hood home I see again,

And gladden with the view;

And still as mem'ries crowd my brain,

There's sadness in it too—

O memory! thou mid-way world

'Twixt Earth and Paradise;

Where things decayed, and loved ones lost

In dreamy shadows rise—

And freed from all that's gross or vile,

Seem hallowed, pure, and bright,

Like scenes in some enchanted isle,

All bathed in liquid light—

As distant mountains please the eye,

When twilight chases day —

As bugle-tones, that, passing by,

In distance die away —

As leaving some grand water-fall

We ling'ring list it's roar,

So memory will hallow all

We've known, but know no more—

Now twenty years have passed away,

Since here I bid farewell

To woods, and fields, and scenes of play

And school-mates loved so well—

Where many were, how few remain

Of old familiar things!

But seeing these to mind again

The lost and absent brings—

The friends I left that parting day —

How changed as time has sped!

Young child hood grown, strong manhood grey,

And half of all are dead—

I hear the lone survivors tell

How nought from death could save,

Till every sound appears a knell

And every spot a grave—

I range the fields with pensive tread,

I pace the hollow rooms;

And feel (companion of the dead)

I'm living in the tombs—2

2 This marks the end of the first of what Lincoln called “divisions or cantos.”

A here's an object more of dread,

Than ought the grave contains—

A human-form, with reason fled

While wretched life remains—

Poor Matthew! Once of genius bright,—

A fortune-favored child—

Now locked for age, in mental night,

A haggard mad-man wild—

Poor Matthew! I have ne'er forgot

When first with maddened will,

Yourself you maimed, your father fought,

And mother strove to kill;

And terror spread, and neighbours ran,

Your dang'rous strength to bind;

And soon a howling crazy man,

Your limbs were fast confined—

How then you writhed and shrieked aloud,

Your bones and sinnews bared;

And fiendish on the gaping crowd,

With burning eye-balls glared—

And begged, and swore, and wept, and prayed,

With maniac laughter joined—

How fearful are the signs displayed,

By pangs that kill the mind!

And when at length, tho, dreer and long,

Time soothed your fiercer woes —

How plantively your mournful song,

Upon the still night rose—

I've heard it oft, as if I dreamed,

Far-distant, sweet, and lone;

The funeral dirge, it ever seemed

Of reason dead and gone—

To drink it's strains I've stole away,

All silently and still,

Ere yet the rising god of day

Had streaked the Eastern hill—

Air held his breath, the trees all still

Seemed sorr'wing angels round:

Their swelling tears in dew-drops fell

Upon the list'ning ground—

But this is past, and nought remains

That raised you o'er the brute—

Your mad'ning shrieks and soothing strains

Are like forever mute—

Now fare thee well: more thou the cause

Than subject now of woe.

All mental pangs, by time's kind laws,

Hast lost the power to know—

And now away to seek some scene

Less painful than the last —

With less of horror mingled in

The present and the past—

The very spot where grew the bread,

That formed my bones, I see

How strange, old field, on thee to tread

And feel I'm part of thee!

John T. Stuart and [Abraham Lincoln], Plea Replication1, May 2, 1848

1 This litigation involves a $2000 promissory note originated by one Lofland in Kentucky in 1819. Lofland had given the note to Harrison who in turn assigned it to Clark. Upon Lofland's refusal and apparent inability to pay after an earlier judgment against him, Clark sued Harrison in Christian County Circuit Court, retaining Lincoln and Stuart to recover the judgment. The jury found for Harrison. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 0811.

Ezekiel B. Harrison.

ads

James Clark

And the said Harrison by his attorney comes and defends when &c. and for plea in this behalf says Plaintiff actio non &c — because he says that after the recovery of said judgement and before the commencement of this suit Towit on theDay ofTowit at the County and State aforesaid he the said Defendant fully paid and satisfied to the said Plaintiff the said sum of [&c ?] in form aforesaid recovered and this he is ready to verify &c wherefore he prays Judgement &c—

John T Stuart p: d.

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

Clark}

vs}

Harrison}

And the said plaintiff comes, and as to the plea of the said defendant above pleaded says precludi non, because he says the said defendant did not pay and satisfy the said judgment in manner and form, as in his said plea, he hath alleged; and of this the plaintiff puts himself upon the country &c.

Logan p. q

[Endorsed by John T. Stuart:]

And the Defendant doth

Issue take

Stuart

p d

[Endorsed by Nathan Dresser:]

Clark

v } Pleas

Harrison

Filed May [7?]th 1848

N Dresser Clk

From Abraham Lincoln to Thaddeus Stevens1, September 3, 1848

1 Lincoln had attended the presidential nominating convention of the Whig party held in Philadelphia in June, where he met the recipient of this letter. Thaddeus Stevens was 13 years older than Lincoln and a Whig veteran of the Pennsylvania state legislature who was about to be elected to his first seat in the federal House of Representatives. The letter suggests Lincoln's interest in cultivating ties to influential Whigs on the national scene. Although both Lincoln and Stevens would eventually become Republicans, Stevens, as a Congressman during the Civil War, would prove a frequent critic of President Lincoln's policies.

Washington, Sept 3. 1848

Dear Sir:

You may possibly remember seeing me at the Philadelphia Convention — introduced to you as the lone whig star of Illinois— Since the adjournment, I have remained here, so long, in the Whig document room— I am now about to start for home; and I desire the undisguised opinion of some experienced and sagacious Pennsylvania politician, as to how the vote of that state, for governor, and president, is likely to go— In casting about for such a man, I have settled upon you; and I shall be much obliged if you will write me at Springfield, Illinois—

The news we are receiving here now, by letters from all quarters is steadily on the rise; we have none lately of a discouraging character— This is the sum, without giving particulars—Yours truly

A Lincoln

[Addressed by Lincoln on the reverse side:]

Free. A Lincoln MC

Hon Thaddeus Stevens

Lancaster

Pa—

From Abraham Lincoln to Thomas Ewing1, June 22, 1849

1 Lincoln had learned on the preceding day that his effort to be named commissioner of the General Land Office had failed, that Justin Butterfield of Illinois had been appointed to that office instead.

Washington, June 22. 1849

Sir:

Please transmit to me the papers on file in your Dept recommending me for Comr of Genl Land Office, if not inconsistent with the rules of the Department. Your Obt. Servt—

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to John M. Clayton [Draft]1, September 27, 1849

1 Clayton's letter to Lincoln of September 17, 1849, has not been found. For the other letters to which Lincoln alludes, see Collected Works, I, 62, 64.

Rec'd 7 Oct.

Springfield, Illinois— Sept 27. 1849

Dear Sir:

Your letter of the 17th Inst saying you had received no answer to yours informing me of my appointment as Secretary of Oregon, is received, and surprises me very much— I received that letter, accompanied by the commission, in due course of mail, and answered it two days after, declining the office, and warmly recommending Simeon Francis for the same office— it— I have also written you several letters since, alluding to the same matter, all of which ought to have reached you before the date of your last letter—

Your Obt Servt

A. Lincoln—

[Abraham Lincoln and William H. Herndon] Declaration1, March 22, 1850

1 The particulars of this case are laid out in substantial detail in the following declaration. The jury decided for Stone. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 0292.

Of the Aprilterm of the Men-

ard county circuit court in the

year A D. 1849—

State of Illinois }

Menard County } SS.

David Hoffman plaintiff, complains of Alfred U. Stone defendant, being in custody &c. of a plea of trespass on the case on promises—

For that whereas the said defendant, heretofore, towit; on the first day of December in the year of our Lord one thousand, eight hundred and forty six at the county aforesaid, in consideration that the said plaintiff would then and there forbear to arrest and surrender to the circuit court of Logan County, in the state aforesaid, one Squire Powell, for whose appearance before said Logan circuit court, to answer to a criminal charge to the charege of Perjury2 the said plaintiff, was then & there legally bound, on a Recognazance; and in consideration, that the said defendant; then and there had the possession, with the legal right to retain the same, of sufficient of the effects of the said Powell, to fully indemnify himself in the premises, undertook, and then & there faithfully promised the said plaintiff to fully indemnify him, the said plaintiff, for any and all damages he might sustain by reason of such forbearance— And the said plaintiff avers, that in consideration of such undertaking and promise of said defendant, he, the said plaintiff, did then and there forbear to so arrest and surrender the said Powell; and that by reason of such forbearance, he, the said plaintiff, afterwards, towit on the twenty sixth day of April — in the year A. D. 1847. at the county aforesaid, was injured, and sustained damage in the sum of three hundred and fifty one Dollars and fifty four cents — of which the said defendant, afterwards, towit, on the day & year aforesaid, at the county aforesaid, had due notice—

2 The preceding five words are interlineated and not in Lincoln's hand.

[The following two paragraphs are in Herndon's hand:]

and whereas also afterwards to wit on the day and year first aforesaid to wit at the county and state aforesaid the said defendant in consideration that the said plantiff would forbear to surrender up to the legale authoritis of Logan Circuit Court in State aforesaid one Powell for whose appearance before said court to answer a criminal charge To wit the charge of Perjury the said plantiff was then and there bound on a bond and in consideration that the said defendant then and there had the possession and right to retain the same and sufficient effects of said Powell to make himself safe in the premises, the said defendant then and there undetook and then and there faithfully promised the said plantiff to make him, the said plantiff, safe from all damage he should sustain by reason of the forbearance aforesaid and the said plantiff avers that in consideration of said promises and undetakings of said defendant he the said plantiff did forbear to arrest said Powell and did not hand him over to authoritis of law and said plantiff avers that by said forbearance and in not handing said Powell over to authoritis aforesaid he the said plantiff afterwards to wit on the 27th day of April A D 1847. was much damaged and injured and in a great sum of mony to wit four hundred dollars. And said plantiff avers that said defendant has not made said plantiff safe from damage arising from the forbearance aforesaid and premises aforesaid.

And whereas also afterwards to wit on the first day of Decmber A D 1846 at the County and State aforesaid the said plantiff and —Halsted were bail for one ———- Powell who was charge with criminal offence and upon whose bond said plantiff was bound for saidPowells appearance in due course of law and saidPowell then & there being in the custody of said plantiff, he the said defendant in consideration that said plantiff would forbear to hand said Powell up to legal authoritis of said Bond and County of Logan over to [illegible] said charge he the said defendant then and there faithfully promised and undertook and in consideration of enough of Powells funds in his possession and under his controll to make himself, in the premises, safe (promised said plantiff) to make himself him said plantiff safe from all damage which he might sustain by reason of the forbearance aforesaid and the said plantiff then and there in consideration of the promises and undertakings of said defendant and said defendants representations did forbear to hand said Powell over to the authoritis aforesaid and said plaitiff then and there let Powell go at large contrary to said plantiff idea or design or intention and said plantiff avers that afterwards to wit on the first day of June 1847 he said plaintiff was greatly damaged and injured by such forbearance to a great sum of money to wit the sum of Four hundred Dollars and said plantiff in fact says that said defendant has not made, him safe in whole or part thereof.

And whereas also afterwards to wit on the day and year aforesaid at County and State aforesaid the said defendant was further indebted to said plantiff in the further sum of Five Hundred Dollars for moneys paid laid out and expended to aid for said defendant at his special instance and request and being so indebted defendant promised and undertook to pay same but has failed so to do althogh often requested.} Yet said defendant not regarding his said earnest promises and undertakings said counts mentioned has not [saved?] said plantiff harmless or indemnified him in whole or any part, nor paid said sum of money or any part thereof, although often requested so to do and has wholy failed refused and neglected so to do to damage of said plantiff of Five hundred Dollars and he therefore brings suit.}Herndon p.q.

[Endorsed by D.A. Brown:]

David Hoffman

vs.

A. U. Stone

Filed March 22d 1850

D. A. Brown Clk

[Endorsed by S.T. Logan:]

This declaration I consented might not be filed in this case till this time Monday or tuesday next.

S T Logan Atty

for Defendant

March 21st 1850

[Abraham Lincoln] Declaration Praecipe1, August 13, 1850

1 This is one of two simultaneous suits brought against Hiram Penny by Henry McHenry. McHenry later dismissed this case. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 3646.

Of the August term of the San-

gamon county circuit court—

A. D. 1850—

State of Illinois}

Sangamon county } ss

Henry McHenry plaintiff, complains of Hiram Penny defendant, being in custody &c of a plea of trespass on the case on promises—

For that the said defendant, heretofore towit on the first day of August in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty at the county aforesaid, was indebted to the said plaintiff in a large sum of money, towit in the sum of ten dollars for the goods, wares and merchandize of the said plaintiff before that time sold and delivered by the said plaintiff to the said defendant and at the special instance and request of the said defendant; and also in the a further large sum, towit the sum of one hundred dollars for so much money before that time paid, laid out and expended by the said plaintiff to and for the use of the said defendant, and at his special instance and request; and being so indebted, he the said defendant in consideration thereof, afterwards, towit, on the day and year aforesaid, at the county aforesaid, undertook, and then & there faithfully promised the said plaintiff to pay him the sums of money aforesaid, when he should be thereunto afterwards requested—

Yet the said defendant (although often requested so to do) has not as yet paid to the said plaintiff, the said sums of money or either of them, or any part thereof; but so to has hitherto wholly neglected and refused; and still does neglect and refuse, to the damage of the said plaintiff of two hundred dollars. And therefore he brings his suit &c—

Lincoln & Herndon p q.

[Attachment:]

Copy of account sued on.

Hiram Penny

To Henry McHenryDr.

1846, Novr 20. To two table-cloths, & one pair of boots—$4-00

To 6 yds- brade— 37 1/2, 16 yds. calico—“5-34

To 2 1/2 yds. flannel, 94 C. 2. do. 40c—“1.34

To 1/2 yd. Gingham 16c. Goods-box—1-00.“1-16

1847 — Feb. 27. To 1 fur hat $2-75— 1 slate .25. “3.00

14.84

To cash paid Robt. & John Irwin—$100.00

“114.84

Credit by cash—“6.00

“108.84

Henry McHenry }

vs} Trespass on the case on promises

Hiram Penny}Damage $200-00

Let a summons issue in the above entitled cause. Lincoln & Herndon. p.q.

[Endorsed by B. Talbott:]

Henry McHenry

vs } Precipe & Declaration

Hiram Penny— [11.?]

Filed Aug 13th 1850

B. Talbott Clk

From Abraham Lincoln to John Addison1, September 9, 1850

1 Lincoln had learned earlier that at least two letters recommending him for the post of commissioner of the General Land Office had not been returned to him after his request for them. See Collected Works, II, 67.

Springfield, Illinois. Sept. 9. 1850

Sir:

There are some letters remaining at the Department of the Interior, which were placed there as recommendations of myself for Comr. of the Genl. Land Office— I will thank you to withdraw them, and forward them to me.

Truly Yours

A. Lincoln

[Endorsed by Addison:]

Sept. 18. 1850

Withdrawn 9 additional letters in favor of Hon A Lincoln applicant for the office of Commissioner of Genl Land office.

Jno. Addison

[Abraham Lincoln] Court Order1, [October 23, 1851]

1 Joseph Gundy sued John Gundy in an action of assumpsit for damages for a promissory note and for money spent on hogs and cattle when the Gundys were in the livestock business together. John Gundy retained Lincoln and filed a cross-bill claiming only the promissory note was at issue for Joseph actually owed him money. John later defaulted and the court ruled for Joseph. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 1910.

Joseph Gundy}

vs} In Chancery

John Van Gundy }

This day came the parties, and the complainant having filed an amended Bill since the last term of this court, it is, by agreement, ordered that defendant's answer to the original Bill stand as an answer to the amended Bill so far as it applies, and so much of said amended Bill as said answer does not apply to, is to be considered as traversed generally; that a general Replication be considered as filed, and the cause stand for hearing at the next term, to which it is now continued—

[Endorsed by David Davis:]

Enter this

D Davis

[Abraham Lincoln] Affidavit1, November 18, 1851

1 The parties to this suit were all connected by existing or previous marriages. Leroy Hill claimed that Bennett and Maupin were liable to pay interest on a mortgage on land which he had sold to Bennett, which land Bennett had sold to Maupin. Maupin's answer and cross-bill accused Hill of selling slaves in which there was a family interest, and retaining the proceeds. A settlement of this matter seems to have been reached. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 1537.

State of Illinois}

Christian County } SS

Leroy L. Hill, the complainant in a certain suit in chancery pending in the Circuit court of said county, wherein James W. Bennett, and Benjamin F Maupin, are defendants, being first duly sworn states on oath that he can not safely go to the trial of said suit at the present term, for the want of the testimony of one Thomas Morgan, and a certain Bill of sale of a negro boy Daniel, made by Paulina G. Hill, which affiant supposes to be in the possession of said Morgan; Affiant expects to prove by said Morgan, that the said Paulina did execute, regularly, Bills of sale, for all of said negroes, Martin, Huldah, Dan & Sam — in the pleadings mentioned; and that affiant took no no other part in the sale of said negroes, other than as an agent for said Paulina; and that the said Paulina had the control and possession of said negroes, and claimed to be the sole owner of the same; that for many years considerable time affiant has had no knowledge of the whereabouts of said Morgan, until on last friday he ascertained that said Morgan now resides in Arkansas, and also, that by writing to Louisville in Kentucky, he can ascertain said Morgan's particular locality in Arkansas; that ever since January last, affiant has been making every exertion by enquiries, writing letters &c, to ascertain the whereabouts of said Morgan, but without success until the time above mentioned — that affiant believes he can procure said testimony by the next term of this court; & that this application is not made for delay but that justice may be done in the premises—

Leroy L. Hill2

2 Signed by Hill.

Sworn to and subscribed }

before me this 18th day}

of November A D 1851 }

Wm Moore Clk

[Endorsed by William S. Moore:]

Filed Nov. 18th 1851.

Wm S. Moore

Clerk

[Abraham Lincoln] Affidavit1, November 16, 1852

1 Markwell had sued Howarth to collect a small debt. After the justice of the peace had ruled for Markwell, Howarth appealed and retained Lincoln and Herndon. The circuit court stood by the justice's decision. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 1550.

State of Illinois}

Christian County } SS.

Lewis Clements, being first duly sworn states on oath that he is the agent of William H. Markwell, in the management of a certain suit pending in the circuit court of the county aforesaid, wherein said Markwell is plaintiff, and George Howarth is defendant, bein that he can not safely go to trial at the present term because of the absence of Martin White and John G. Fletcher, who are material witnesses for plaintiff; that he expects to prove by said witnesses that the defendant, professing to act as an agent, or sub-agent, for one Gregg, sold to the plaintiff a certain tract of land, and took his notes, and nine dollars in cash, undertaking to procure said Gregg's title bond & deliver it to the plaintiff; that afterwards said defendant, stating that he could not get the bond from Gregg, returned the notes to the plaintiff, but did not return the money; and affiant expects it can not be made to appear that said defendant has parted with said money in good faith— Said witnesses reside in this county; but said White's family are so sick that he can not leave them to attend at this term — that said Fletcher is now in Kentucky; that he expects to procure the attendance of said witnesses at the next term; & that this application is not made for delay but that justice may be done—

Lewis M Clements2

2 The signature is that of Clements.

Sworn to and subscribe

before me this 16 day of

Nov 1852

W S Moore Clerk

[Endorsed by W.S. Moore:]

Filed Nov 16 1852

W. S. Moore

Clerk

[Abraham Lincoln] Bond1, November 16, 1852

1 Page sued Tanner to recover a $500 unpaid debt. Lincoln represented Page, and won him a favorable verdict. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 1502.

Thomas D. Page }

vs.} In the Christian County circuit court—

Henry Tanner}

I do hereby enter myself security for costs in this cause, and acknowledge myself bound to pay or cause to be paid all costs which have accrued, or may accrue, in this action, either to the opposite party, or to any of the officers of this court, in pursuance of the laws of this state—

Dated this 16th day of Novr. A D. 1852.

I R Gunn2

2 The signature is Gunn's.

[Endorsed by W.S. Moore:]

Filed Nov 16 1852

W. S. Moore

Clerk

From Abraham Lincoln to Richard J. Oglesby [Draft]1, September 8, 1854

1 Despite Republican successes in Illinois's 1854 election, Richard Yates was defeated by Thomas L. Harris in his campaign for re-election to Congress that year.

Confidential

Springfield, Sept. 8. 1854.

Dear Sir:

You perhaps know how anxious I am to re-elect for Yates2 re-election in this District— I understand his enemies are getting up a charge against him, that while he passes for a temperate man, he is in the habit of drinking secretly — and that they calculate on proving an instance of the charge by you— If, indeed, you have told them any thing, I can not help thinking, they have misunderstood what you did tell them— Other things being equal, I would much prefer a temperate man, to an intemperate one; still I do not make my vote depend absolutely upon the question of whether a candidate does or does not taste liquor— Thousands and thousands of us, in point of fact, have known Yates for more than twenty years; and as I have never seen him drink liquor, nor act, or speak, as if he had been drinking, nor smelled it on his breath, nor heard any man say he ever had, and as he has been twice elected to congress, without any such thing being discovered. I must can not but think such a charge as the above must be incorrect— Will you please write me, and tell me what the truth of this matter is? I will reciprocate at any time— Yours truly

2 Richard Yates

A. Lincoln—

From Abraham Lincoln to Richard Yates [Copy]1, September 30, 1857

1 Contrary to Lincoln's hopes, Yates did not run for the Illinois General Assembly in 1858, and therefore could not assist him when that body chose a United States Senator early in 1859.

Springfield, Sept. 30. 1857—

Dear Sir:

Your letter, called out by the letter of J. O. Johnson,2 was received by me on my return from Chicago—

2 Johnson resided briefly in Springfield in the late 1850's. There are letters from him in this collection, sent to Lincoln after he moved to New York.

Mr Johnson wrote the letter by concert with me; and is entirely reliable— He is a new-comer; but he can devote more time to getting up an organization, than any one I know, who knows as well as he, how to do it—

And now, let me say, I wish you could make up your mind to come to the Legislature from Morgan next term— You can be elected; and I doubt some whether any other friend can— It will be something of a sacrafice to you; but can you not make it?

Yours as everA. Lincoln—

From Abraham Lincoln to Thomas A. Marshall1, April 23, 1858

1 Lincoln was mobilizing support for the Illinois legislative election of 1858. The party with the majority of members in the new legislature would determine who would fill one of Illinois's United States Senate seats. Lincoln hoped to win the seat currently held by Stephen A. Douglas.

Urbana, Ills. April 23. 1858

My dear Sir

I wish you, G. W. Rives2 of Edgar, and O. L. Davis,3 of Vermilion, to co-operate in getting a Senatorial candidate on the track, in your District— Davis is here, and agrees to do his part— The adversary4 has his eye upon that district, and will beat us, unless we also are wide awake— Under the circumstances, a District convention may, or may not be the best way — you three to judge of that— I think you better take some good reliable Fillmore men5 into conference with you, and also some proper person or persons from Cumberland. Indeed, it may appear expedient to select a Fillmore man as the candidate— I also write to Rives— I am most anxious to know that you will not neglect the matter, not doubting that you will do it rightly, if you only take hold of it—

2 George W. Rives was a Whig and later Republican political associate of Lincoln in Edgar County, Illinois.

3 Oliver L. Davis was a Republican attorney with whom Lincoln practiced on Illinois's Eighth Judicial Circuit.

4 Stephen A. Douglas

5 “Fillmore men” were members of the American or “Know-Nothing” Party who had voted for Millard Fillmore for president in 1856. Many were former Whigs, and their recruitment by the Republican party was part of Lincoln's strategy for electoral success.

I was in Springfield during the sittings of the two democratic conventions6 day-before-yesterday— Say what they will, they are having an abundance of trouble— Our own friends were also there, in considerable numbers from different parts of the State— They are all in high spirits, and think, if we do not win, it will be our own fault— So I really think—

6 The Illinois Democratic Party had splintered into two factions. One supported the Senatorial ambitions of Stephen A. Douglas and opposed the Buchanan Administration's stance on the Lecompton Constitution in Kansas. The smaller faction consisted of Democrats opposing Douglas, loyal to the Buchanan Administration, and supportive of the Lecompton Constitution.

Your friend as ever,

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to James T. Thornton1, December 2, 1858

1 Lincoln had known Thornton before the latter moved to Magnolia, Putnam County, Illinois, where Widmer was also a resident. Widmer was admitted to the bar in nearby LaSalle County, Illinois, in 1860.

Springfield, Decr. 2. 1858

Dear Sir

Yours of the 29th2 written in behalf of Mr John H. Widmer, is received— I am absent altogether too much to be a suitable instructor for a law-student— When a man has reached the age that Mr Widmer has, and has already been doing for himself, my judgment is, that he reads the books for himself without an instructor— That is precisely the way I came to the law— Let Mr Widmer read Blackstone's Commentaries, Chitty's Pleadings — Greenleaf's Evidence, Story's Equity, and Story's Equity Pleadings, get a license, and go to the practice, and still keep reading— That is my judgment of the cheapest, quickest, and best way for Mr Widmer to make a lawyer of himself—Yours truly

2 See Thornton to Lincoln, November 29, 1858.

A. Lincoln.

[Abraham Lincoln] Affidavit1, May 30, 1839

1 When Emery C. Ross left the state, Lincoln won the judgment by default in this case, in which the defendant owed the plaintiffs for a note of $827.56. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 4891.

State of Illinois}

Sangamon County}

A. Lincoln, being first duly sworn states upon oath that Emery C. Ross, the defendant at the suit of Richard D Wood, John Yarrow, Horatio C. Wood, James Abbott and Josiah Bacon, about to be commenced against said Ross in chancery, to the best of the knowledge and belief of said affiant, has gone out of the state of Illinois, and now resides out of said state

A Lincoln—

[Endorsed by William Butler:]

Sworn & Subscribed to

before me this 30 Day of

May A D 1839

Wm Butler clerk

[Abraham Lincoln] Bill of Exceptions1, October 14, 1859

1 Lincoln served as judge in this case. Blount owed Combs a sum of money; Stubblefield endorsed Blount's notes and Blount secured the debt with a mortgage on land. Blount and Stubblefield defaulted and Combs sued to foreclose the mortgage. Stubblefield demurred but Lincoln overruled him; Lincoln then decreed that Combs was due $2000. Stubblefield filed the bill of exception to Lincoln's ruling that follows, claiming that he had demurred because Stubblefield's wife had not been named a party in the action. A settlement may have eventually been reached in this case. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 0535.

W. R. Coombs}

vs}In Chancery to foreclose.

John R. Blount &}

Absalom Stubblefield}

Be it remembered that in this case the defendants demurred, because the wife of Stubblefield is not made a party; that the court over-ruled the demurrer, and to which the defendants then & there excepted—

D. Davis, Judge2

2 The signature is that of Davis.

[Endorsed by Robert Lewis:]

Coombs}

vs}

Blount &}

Stubblefield}

Bill of Exception.

Filed Oct 14th 1859

Robert Lewis Ck

From Abraham Lincoln to Jesse W. Fell [With Enclosure by Lincoln]1, December 20, 1859

1 The sketch enclosed in this letter is the first of two autobiographical statements known to have been written by Lincoln. He had the previous year resisted the ardent requests of a leading Republican newspaper editor for autobiographical material (see Charles Ray to Lincoln, [June 29, 1858]; [July 1858]; July 27, 1858.). But here, in late 1859, with his name being prominently mentioned for the Republican presidential nomination, he yielded. Fell was a long-time political associate who was acting on an opportunity to publicize Lincoln in the politically important state of Pennsylvania. The sketch enclosed by Lincoln was sent by Fell to Joseph J. Lewis of Chester, Pennsylvania and used as the basis of an article in the Chester County Times on Feb. 11, 1860, which was widely copied by other newspapers.

Lincoln would expand on the information given here when, five months later, as the Republican nominee, he produced a more extensive biographical sketch, this time in the third person, for use by campaign biographers (see Abraham Lincoln, Autobiographical Notes, May or June 1860). In both accounts, Lincoln confined his attention largely to his early life and emphasized his lack of formal education.

Springfield, Dec: 20. 1859

My dear Sir:

Herewith is a little sketch, as you requested— There is not much of it, for the reason, I suppose, that there is not much of me— If anything is made out of it, I wish it to be modest, and not to go beyond the materials— If it were thought necessary to incorporate any thing from any of my speeches, I suppose there would be no objection— Of course it must not appear to have been written by myself— Yours very truly

A. Lincoln

[Enclosure:]

I was born Feb. 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. My parents were both born in Virginia, of undistinguished families — second families, perhaps I should say— My Mother, who died in my ninth tenth year, was of a family of the name of Hanks, some of whom now reside in Adams, and others in Macon counties, Illinois—2 My paternal grandfather, Abraham Lincoln, emigrated from Rockingham County, Virginia, to Kentucky, about 1781 or 2, when, a year or two later, he was killed by indians, not in battle, but by stealth, when he was laboring to open a farm in the forest—3 His ancestors, who were quakers, went to Virginia from Berks County, Pennsylvania— An effort to identify them with the New-England family of the same name ended in nothing more definite, than a similarity of Christian names in both families, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, Solomon, Abraham, and the like—

2 Lincoln's mother's name was Nancy Hanks; her mother was Lucy Hanks. The identity of Nancy Hanks's father has not been reliably established.

3 Lincoln's paternal grandfather was killed in Kentucky in 1786.

My father, at the death of his father, was but six years of age; and he grew up, litterally without education— He removed from Kentucky to what is now Spencer county, Indiana, in my eighth year— We reached our new home about the time the State came into the Union— It was a wild region, with many bears and other wild animals still in the woods— There I grew up— There were some schools, so called; but no qualification was ever required of a teacher, beyond the reading, writing, and Arithmetic “readin, writin, and cipherin” to the Rule of Three— If a straggler supposed to understand latin, happened to sojourn in the neighborhood, he was looked upon as a wizzard— There was absolutely nothing to excite ambition for education. Of course when I came of age I did not know much— Still somehow, I could read, write, and cipher to the Rule of Three, but that was all— I have not been to school since— The little advance I now have upon this store of education, I have have picked up from time to time under the pressure of necessity—

I was raised to farm work, which I continued till I was twenty two— At twenty one I came to Illinois, and passed the first year in Illinois — Macon County — Then I got to New-Salem (then at that time in Sangamon, now in Menard County,4 where I remained a year as a sort of Clerk in a store— then came the Black-Hawk war; and I was elected a Captain of Volunteers — a success which gave me more pleasure than any I have had since— I went the campaign, was elated, ran for the Legislature the same year (1832) and was beaten — the only time I ever have been beaten by the people— The next, and three succeeding biennial elections, I was elected to the Legislature— I was not a candidate afterwards. During this Legislative period I had studied law, and removed to Springfield to make practice it— In 1846 I was once elected to the lower House of Congress— Was not a candidate for re-election— From 1849 to 1854, both inclusive, practiced law more assiduously than ever before— Always a whig in politics, and generally on the whig electoral tickets, making active canvasses— I was losing interest in politics, when the repeal of the Missouri Compromise aroused me again— What I have done since then is pretty well known –

4 There is no closing parenthesis in the manuscript.

If any personal description of me is thought desired desirable, it may be said, I am, in height, six feet, four inches, nearly; lean in flesh, weighing, on an average, one hundred and eighty pounds; dark complexion, with coarse black hair, and grey eyes — no other marks or brands recollected—5

5 The remark about “marks or brands” is an allusion to the traditional expression employed in descriptions of impounded stray animals.

Abraham Lincoln, Draft Fragment of Speech1, [December 1857?]

1 This appears to be a fragment (four manuscript pages numbered 4-7) of a draft of a speech, prepared soon after Stephen A. Douglas declared his support for the Lecompton Constitution, in defiance of President James Buchanan. This dramatic break with the Democratic leadership occurred in early December 1857 and caused a number of influential Republicans to suggest that Douglas should not be opposed for re-election. In this speech, which John G. Nicolay and John Hay included in their Complete Works in a longer version now lost (see Collected Works, II, 448-54), Lincoln gave his reasons for not endorsing Douglas. According to Nicolay and Hay's source, the portion of the speech immediately following this fragment was an early version of Lincoln's “House Divided” speech, which he delivered several months later on June 6, 1858 in accepting the Republican nomination for U. S. Senator.

We also ought to insist on knowing what the Judge now thinks on “Sectionalism”. Last year, he thought it was a “clincher” against us, on the question of sectionalism, that we could get no support in the slave-states, and could not be allowed to speak, or even, breathe, South of the Ohio river— In vain did we appeal to the justice of our principles— He would have it, that the treatment we received, was conclusive evidence that we deserved it—

He, and his friends, would bring speakers from the slave-states, to their meetings, and conventions, in the free-states, and parade about, arm in arm, with them, breathing, in every jesture and tone “How, we national apples do swim”

Let him cast about for this particular evidence of his own nationality now— Why, just now, he and Fremont would make the closest race immaginable, in the Southern States

In the present aspect of affairs, what ought the republicans to do?

I think they ought not to oppose any measure, merely because Judge Douglas proposes it— Whether the Lecompton constitution should be accepted, or rejected, is a question upon which, in the minds of men not committed to any of it's antecedents, and controled only by the Federal constitution, by republican principles, and by a sound morality, it seems to me, there could not be two opinions— It should be throttled, and killed, as hastily, and heartily, as a rabid dog—

What those should do, who are committed to all it's antecedents, is their business, not ours—

If, therefore, Judge Douglas' bill,2 secures a fair vote to the people of Kansas, without contrivance to commit any one further, I think republican members of congress ought to support it. They can do so, without any inconsistency— They believe congress ought to prohibit slavery wherever it can be done, without violation of the constitution, or of good faith— And having seen the noses counted, and actually knowing that a majority of the people of Kansas are against slavery, passing an act of congress to secure them a fair vote, is little else than prohibiting slavery in Kansas, by act of congress—

2 Senator Douglas, against the wishes of the Buchanan administration, proposed a bill on Dec. 18, 1857 to allow a fair vote in Kansas.

Congress can not dictate a constitution to a new state— All it can do, at that point, is to secure the people a fair chance to form one for themselves, and then to accept, or reject it, when they ask admission into the union—

As I understand, republicans claim no more than this— But they do claim, that congress can, and ought to keep slavery out of a territory, up to the time of it's people forming a state constitution; and they should now be careful to not stultify themselves, to any extent, on this point—

I am glad Judge Douglas has, at last, distinctly told us, that he cares not whether slavery be voted down, or voted up— Not so much that this is any news to me; nor yet, that it may be slightly new to some of that class of his friends who delight to say that they “are as much opposed to slavery as any body” I am glad, because it affords such a true and excellent a definition of the Nebraska policy itself— That policy, honestly administered, is exactly that— It seeks to bring the people of the nation to not care any thing about slavery— This is Nebraskaism, in it's abstract purity — in it's very best dress—

Now, I take it, nearly every body does care something about slavery — is either for it, or against it; and that the statesmanship of a measure which conforms to the sentiments of nobody, might well be doubted in advance—

But Nebraskaism did not originate as a piece of statesmanship— Gen. Cass, in 1848, invented it, as a political manoever, to secure himself the democratic nomination for the presidency— It served it's purpose then, and sunk out of sight— Six years later, Judge Douglas fished it up, and glozed it over with what he called, and still persists in calling “sacred right of self-government”—

Well, I too, believe in self-government as I understand it; but I do not understand, that the previlege one man takes of making a slave of another, or holding him as such, is any part of “self government”— To call it so is, to mind, simply absurd, and ridiculous—

I am for the people of the whole nation doing just as they please, in all matters which concern the whole nation; for those of each part, doing just as they choose, in all matters which concern no other part; and for each individual doing just as he chooses in all matters which concern no body else—

This is the principle— Of course I am content with any exception, which the constitution, or the actually existing state of things, makes a necessity—

But neither the principle, nor the exception, will admit the indefinite spread and perpetuity of human slavery—

I think the true magnitude of the slavery element, in this nation, is scarcely appreciated by any one— Four years ago the Nebraska policy was adopted, professedly, to drive the agitation of the subject into the teritories, and out of every other place, and, especially out of congress—

When Mr Buchanan accepted the Presidential nomination, he felicitated himself with the belief, that the whole thing would be quieted, and forgotten in about six weeks— In his inaugeral, and his Silliman letter,3 at their respective dates, he was just not quite in reach of the same happy consummation— And now, in his first annual message, he urges the acceptance of the Lecompton constitution (not quite satisfactory to him) on the sole ground of getting this little, unimportant matter out of the way—

3 President Buchanan addressed a public letter on Aug. 15, 1857 to Benjamin Silliman and others who had protested the use of Federal troops in Kansas, in which Buchanan asserted the lawlessness of the free-staters, the legality of slavery in Kansas under the Dred Scott decision, and the prospect of future agitation being quieted by the upcoming Kansas Constitution.

Meanwhile, in those four years, there has really been more angry agitation of the subject, both, in and out of congress, than ever before— And just now it is perplexing the mighty ones, as no subject ever did before—

Nor is it confined to politics alone— Presbyterian Assemblys, Methodist conferences, Unitarian [blank space]4 and single churches to an indefinite extent, are wrangling, and cracking, and going to pieces on the same question—

4 In the lost manuscript used by Nicolay and Hay in their edition of Lincoln's Complete Works, this word was “gathering.” The absence of any word in this space probably indicates that this manuscript is part of an early draft, in which Lincoln, not being sure of the term used by Unitarians, left a blank space to be filled in later.

From Abraham Lincoln to Mary Todd Lincoln1, March 4, 1860

1 Lincoln had been invited to speak at a number of places in New England after his speech at Cooper Institute in New York on February 27, 1860. He was also visiting Robert Lincoln who was a student at Phillips Exeter Academy in New Hampshire.

Exeter, N. H. March 4. 1860

Dear Wife:

When I wrote you before I was just starting on a little speech-making tour, taking the boys2 with me— On Thursday they went with me to Concord, where I spoke in day-light, and back to Manchester where I spoke at night— Friday we came down to Lawrence — the place of the Pemberton Mill tradg tragedy —3 where we remained four hours awaiting the train back to Exeter— When it came, we went upon it to Exeter where the boys got off, and I went on to Dover and spoke there Friday evening— Saturday I came back to Exeter, reaching here about noon, and finding the boys all right, having caught up with their lessons— Bob had a letter from you saying Willie and Taddy4 were very sick the Saturday night after I left— Having no despatch from you, and having one from Springfield, of Wednesday, from Mr. Fitzhugh,5 saying nothing about our family, I trust the dear little fellows are well again—

2 Robert Lincoln and George Latham, an Exeter student who also came from Springfield, Illinois.

3 The Pemberton Mill at Lawrence, Massachusetts, had collapsed and burned on January 10, 1860. There were many casualties.

4 William Wallace Lincoln and Thomas Lincoln, Lincoln's youngest sons.

5 Harrison G. Fitzhugh was a carpenter and Republican activist in Springfield.

This is Sunday morning; and according to Bob's orders, I am to go to church once to-day— Tomorrow I bid farewell to the boys, go to Hartford, Conn. and speak there in the evening; Tuesday at Menden, and Wednesday at New-Haven — and Thursday at Woonsocket, R. I— Then I start home, and think I will not stop— I may be delayed in New-York City an hour or two— I have been unable to escape this toil— If I had foreseen it I think I would not have come East at all. The speech at New-York6, being within my calculation before I started, went off passably well, and gave me no trouble whatever. The difficulty was to make nine others, before reading audiences, who have already seen all my ideas in print—

6 The Cooper Institute speech of February 27, 1860.

If the trains do not lie over Sunday, of which I do not know, I hope to be home to-morrow week— Once started I shall come as quick as possible—

Kiss the dear boys for Father—

Affectionately

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Samuel Haycraft [Draft]1, May 28, 1860

1 Samuel Haycraft was a longtime resident of the part of Kentucky in which Lincoln was born, a court clerk, and something of a local historian. Lincoln clearly encouraged this correspondence at a time when he had just been nominated to run for president and had little time to spare. By corresponding with Haycraft, Lincoln was making contact with sympathetic citizens of a critical border state, taking political soundings, and at the same time setting matters straight about his family origins. Over the course of the election campaign, Lincoln addressed five letters to Haycraft. See Collected Works, II, 56-57, 69-70, 97, 99, 139.

Springfield, Ills. May 28. 1860

Dear Sir:

Your recent letter, without date, is received. Also the copy of your speech on the contemplated Daniel Boone monument, which I have not yet had time to read. In the main you are right about my history. My father was Thomas Lincoln, and Mrs Sally Johnston, was his second wife— You are mistaken about my mother — her maiden name was Nancy Hanks—2 I was no[t] born at Elizabethtown; but my mother's first child, a daughter, two years older than myself, and now long since deceased, was— I was born Feb. 12. 1809, near where Hogginsville now is, then in Hardin County— I do not think I ever saw you, though I very well know who you are — so well that I recognized your hand-writing, on opening your letter, before I saw the signature. My recollection is that Ben. Helm was first Clerk, that you succeeded him, that Jack Thomas and William Farleigh graduated in the same office, and that your handwritings were all very similar— Am I right?

2 Haycraft's letter has been lost, and it is not known why or in what he was mistaken about Lincoln's mother. He may have confused her with Sarah Bush Johnston, Lincoln's step-mother, who was also from Haycraft's part of Kentucky.

My father has been dead near ten years; but my step-mother (Mrs Johnson) is still living—

I am really very glad of your letter, and shall be pleased to receive another at any time—

Yours very truly

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to M. L. Mackenzie [Copy in a Secretarial Hand]1, July 28, 1860

1 Demands for Lincoln's autograph after his nomination for the presidency led to the use of this form letter.

Springfield Ill July 28th 1860.

Dear Sir— Herewith I send you my autograph which you request

Yours Truly

A. Lincoln2

2 Signed by Lincoln.

From Abraham Lincoln to James F. Babcock1, September 13, 1860

1 Babcock was the editor of the New Haven, Connecticut Palladium. Lincoln had stayed with him during his speaking tour of New England following the February 27 speech in New York at the Cooper Institute.

Springfield, Ills. Sep. 13. 1860

My dear Sir:

Your two letters of the 8th,2 with newspaper slips, containing the proceedings of the Conn. Republican State of Convention, and a consideration of our prospects in New-York, are received—

2 These two letters have not been found.

The original of the picture you enclose,3 and which I return, was taken from life, and is, I think, a very true one; though my wife, and many others, do not— My impression is that their objection arises from the disordered condition of the hair. My judgment is worth nothing in these matters— If your friend could procure one of the “heads” “busts” or whatever you call it, by Volk4 at Chicago, I should think it the thing for him— Yours truly

3 The photograph in question was the famous “tousled hair” pose taken by Alexander Hesler in Chicago on February 28, 1857.

4 Leonard W. Volk was a Chicago sculptor for whom Lincoln sat on March 31, 1860, and who completed a bust in April and patented it on June 12, 1860. Volk's wife was a cousin of Stephen A. Douglas.

A. Lincoln.

From Abraham Lincoln to Jesse W. Fell1, October 5, 1860

1 Fell's letter relating to the 1860 campaign in Illinois to which Lincoln responds has not been located.

Springfield, Oct. 5. 1860

My dear Sir

Yours, inclosing the letter I now return, was duly received, and for which I sincerely thank you. Our friends all understand, as you do, the importance of carrying one of the three Districts you mention— Whatever can be will be done—2

2 The closing and signature have been clipped from the letter.

From Abraham Lincoln to David Chambers [Copy in a Secretarial Hand]1, November 5, 1860

1 David Chambers had been a member of Congress from Ohio in the 1820's, and a member of the Ohio legislature both before and after that time.

Springfield, Ill Nov 5th 1860.

Dear Sir — Your kind letter of the 31st ult. came duly to hand. Please accept my thanks for the favor.

Yours Truly

A. Lincoln.2

2 Signed by Lincoln.

From Lyman Trumbull to Abraham Lincoln1, December 2, 1860

1 A copy of this letter is also in this collection.

[Marginal Note: Letter of Lyman Trumbull.]

Washington, Dec. 2-1860

My Dear Sir,

When in New-York on my way here, I was called on by Messrs W. C. Bryant,2 A. Mann3 & Wm. Curtis Noyes,4 who greatly magnifying my importance in such matters, desire to converse about their views in regard to New-York politics— These gentlemen [moderately] greatly [one] [illegible] acting under the mistaken idea that I had in some way charged with your views, possessed some special knowledge of your to [see] your opinions and sentiments— called upon me for the purpose of making known to me the views entertained by a portion of the Republican Party of New-York. Although I disclaimed any peculiar knowledge of your intentions or any authority whatever to speak for you, — they made some statements, stated some facts which it seems to me proper I should communicate, as I think you ought to know of them— They informed me that a Committee of ten had been appointed to confer with you personally, but that seeming impracticable, a sub committee of three had sought this interview with me. They stated that there was no feeling & no division in New York between Republicans who were originally of different political antecedents — but that the divisions grew out of what they called the corruption legislature at Albany last winter. in which many Republicans were implicated5 That so strong was the feeling against those transactions that but for the Presidential election & the fact that leading Republicans denounced them, the election would have gone against us last Novr — & that unless the Republican Legislature this winter repudiated the acts of the last Legislature one, the party would be beaten in the state next year, & that it would be very disastrous to us as a party if the men implicated in the Albany transactions should receive the favor of your administration — & that they did not want this class of men put upon them — that they wanted honest men with clean hands taken into your confidence— They did not implicate connect Govr. Seward6 personally in with the Albany transactions, but represented his most particular & intimate friends, several of whom, they named, as being implicated, & that if Govr. Seward went into the Cabinet he would draw these men after him. On my suggesting that it did not necessarily follow that if Gov. Seward were taken into the Cabinet as many in the country seemed to suppose was his due, that he would not necessarily control the patronage of New York, Mr. Mann seemed to think that would be inevitable — that the men who had stood by & upheld him for years would demand that their interests should be looked after. Theyse Gentlemen seemed to have no objection to urge against Mr. S. except in this view, & expressed the opinion that he did not desire to go into the Cabinet & would not do so except he could control & serve his friends— They Gentlemen said they had no name to propose, for New York, but that they did not want the load of the Albany plunderers put upon them— I said that you could have no object in appointing other than good & honest men to office, & would not knowingly do so. Our conversation was a protracted one, & I do not profess to give the language, but the purport of it was that these Gentlemen did not want Gov. Seward to go into the Cabinet lest his going should bring with it a set of dishonest men — which would be the ruin of the party in New York. Mr. Mann who said he knew you personally, & who is certainly a very clear headed Gentleman, told me to say to you that he had seen the Union dissolved twice, once when Southern members staid out of Congress for three days & that it all ended in smoke—

2 William Cullen Bryant

3 Abijah Mann, Jr. was a former Congressman and state senator from New York.

4 William Curtis Noyes

5 The “corruption” referred to was final passage, in April 1860, by the New York legislature of a street railway bill which granted construction rights in perpetuity for New York City lines to an interlocking directorate. Greeley and his faction of the New York Republican party favored a measure which would allow profits from the operation of the system to go directly to the city treasury.

6 William H. Seward

He did not appear the least alarmed about the secession movement, but others particularly Thurlow Weed & Horace Greeley expressed great anxiety — Greeley, I think, would not recommend taking a cabinet officer from New York. at all. Gov. Morgan7 does not seem to recommend them for the position I had supposed. Persons supposed to be his friends do not deem him equal to a place in the cabinet. He told me he would like to see Col Fremont8 offered the mission to France, that he thought it would be a popular appointment & one which would be particularly gratifying to the young men of the country who made such a gallant fight for him in 1856.

7 Edwin D. Morgan

8 John C. Fremont

In a conversation with Mr. Fessenden9 to day, he remarked that he thought you ought to come on here at an early [in day] day [those?] some time before the 4th of March & before taking any action in regard to the Cabinet, that the whole ground should be looked over, & an intimate knowledge obtained of the men spoken of from them representative men of the party here assembled, of the character, business capacity &c. of the men proposed for the cabinet before any selections were made— I am not sure but Fessenden is right. How would it do for you to come on immediately after the vote is canvassed, which is the I have it from an intimate friend of Gov. Seward that if he could have the selecting of his associates, it was not improbable that he would like to go10

9 William P. Fessenden

10 See Lincoln to Trumbull, December 8, 1860.

From Abraham Lincoln to Lyman Trumbull [Photostat]1, December 8, 1860

1 In what follows, Lincoln responds to Trumbull to Lincoln, December 2, 1860, in which Trumbull reported on a conference with New York politicians of the Greeley faction. They professed to fear that recent corruption in the New York legislature unless repudiated would lead to Republican defeat in the next state elections. They also alleged that William H. Seward was close to the corruptionists, and that he might, if taken into Lincoln's cabinet, “draw these men after him” into the Lincoln administration.

Private

Springfield, Ills. Dec. 8. 1860

My dear sir:

Yours of the 2nd is received— I regret exceedingly the anxiety of our friends in New-York, of whom you write; but it seems to me the sentiment in that state which sent a united delegation to Chicago in favor of Gov. S. ought not, and must not be snubbed, as it would be by the omission to offer Gov. S. a place in the cabinet— I will myself take care of the question of “corrupt jobs” and see that justice is done to all, our friends, of whom you write, as well as others— I have written Mr. Hamlin,2 on this very subject of Gov. S. and requested him to consult fully with you— He will show you my note, and inclosures to to him, and then please act as therein requested.

2 Hannibal Hamlin, the vice president-elect.

Yours as ever

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Andrew G. Curtin1, December 21, 1860

1 In a previous letter (Curtin to Lincoln, December 14, 1860, q. v.), the Pennsylvania governor-elect avowed his intention to express his support of Lincoln in his forthcoming inaugural address, and his desire to harmonize his views with Lincoln's. Curtin also expressed his willingness to send his new attorney general to Springfield to confer with Lincoln in his behalf.

Confidential

Springfield, Ills, Dec. 21. 1860

My dear Sir

Yours of the 14th was only received last night. I am much obliged by your kindness in asking my views in advance of preparing your inaugeral. I think of nothing proper for me to suggest except a word about this secession and disunion movement— On that subject, I think you would do well to express, without passion, threat, or appearance of boasting, but nevertheless, with firmness, the purpose of yourself, and your state to maintain the Union at all hazzards— Also, if you can, procure the Legislature to pass resolutions to that effect— A shall be very glad to see your friend, the Attorney General,2 that is to be; but I think he need scarcely make a trip merely to confer with me on the subject you mention.

2 Samuel A. Purviance became attorney general of Pennsylvania in 1861.

Yours very truly

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Lyman Trumbull [Copy]1, December 21, 1860

1 Thurlow Weed had visited Lincoln to confer about William H. Seward's appointment in the cabinet, and about the sectional compromise proposals that were circulating in Congress. In the Senate, the Committee of Thirteen, the business of which it was to sift through these proposals, would soon vote on the one drawn up by Senator John J. Crittenden of Kentucky. Crittenden's proposal consisted most notably of constitutional amendments which would guarantee slavery in the states where it existed against Congressional action, prohibit slavery in territories north of latitude 36¡30', and protect it in territories south of that line. Other provisions included a prohibition of the abolition of slavery by Congress on Federal property within slave states and of the abolition of slavery by Congress in the District of Columbia without the consent of its citizens and those of Virginia and Maryland. Weed had been leaning favorably toward this compromise before his conference with Lincoln, but Lincoln considered it and other similar schemes mere efforts to bribe the secessionists. The resolutions Lincoln refers to below were to be carried by Weed to the Republican members of the Senate's Committee of Thirteen, and as Lincoln notes, “They do not touch the territorial question.”

Confidential

Springfield, Ills, Dec. 21. 1860

My dear Sir.

Thurlow Weed was with me nearly all day yesterday, & left at night with three short resolutions which I drew up, and which, on the substance of which, I think would do much good, if introduced, and unanamously supported by our friends.

They do not touch the territorial question— Mr Weed goes to Washington with them; and says he will, first of all, confer with you and Mr Hamlin2 I think it would be best for Mr Seward to introduce them, & Mr Weed will let him know that I think so— Show this to Mr Hamlin; but beyond him, do not let my name be known in the matter.

2 Hannibal Hamlin, the vice president-elect.

Yours as ever

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Lyman Trumbull[Draft]1, January 7, 1861

1Trumbull had written Lincoln on January 3, 1861 (q. v.), warning that the appointment of Simon Cameron as secretary of the treasury could have very adverse effects in Pennsylvania. In fact Lincoln had informed Cameron on December 31 that he would offer him either the War or Treasury Departments, but after a conference with Alexander McClure of Pennsylvania, Lincoln withdrew the offer on January 3. See Collected Works, IV, 168 and Lincoln to Cameron, January 3, 1861.

Very Confidential

Springfield, Ills. Jan. 7. 1861

My dear Sir

Yours of the 3rd is just received— The democrats of our H. R. refused to make a quorum to-day, trying, as I understand, to prevent your re-election— I trust that before this reaches you, the telegraph will have informed you that they have failed, and you have triumphed—

Gen. C.2 has not been offered the Treasury, and, I think, will not be— It seems to me not only highly proper, but a necessity, that Gov— Chase shall take that place. His ability, firmness, and purity of character, produce the propriety; and that he alone can reconcile Mr Bryant,3 and his class, to the appointment of Gov— S.4 to the State Department produces the necessity.— But then comes the danger that the protectionists of Pennsylvania will be dissatisfied; and, to clear this difficulty, Gen— C. must be brought to co-operate— he would readily do this for the War Department— But then comes the fierce opposition to his having any Department, threatening even to send charges into the Senate to procure his rejection by that body— Now, what I would most like, and what I think he should prefer too, under the circumstances, would be to retain his place in the Senate; and if that place has been promised to another, let that other take a respectable, and reasonably lucrative place abroad— Also let Gen. C's friends be, with entire fairness, cared for in Pennsylvania, and elsewhere—

2 Simon Cameron

3 William Cullen Bryant, who co-led the Greeley faction in New York.

4 William H. Seward

I may mention before closing that besides the very fierce opposition to Gen. C. he is more amply recommended for a place in the Cabinet, than any other man—

I have a great notion to post Judd5 fully in this matter, and get him to visit Washington, and in his quiet way, try to adjust it satisfactorily— Yours as ever

5 Norman Buell Judd

A. Lincoln—

From Abraham Lincoln to John Hanks [Photostat]1, January 28, 1861

1 Lincoln anticipated visiting his stepmother, Sarah Bush Lincoln, in Coles County, Illinois, before leaving for Washington. Though it does not appear that his cousin, John Hanks, who lived near Decatur, actually accompanied him, Lincoln spent the day with Mrs. Lincoln on January 31. For a reminiscent account of that visit, see Douglas L.. Wilson and Rodney O. Davis, ed., Herndon's Informants: Letters, Interviews and Statements about Abraham Lincoln (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998), 136-37.

Springfield, Jan. 28. 1861

Dear John

I now think I will pass Decatur, going to Coles, on the day after to-morrow — Wednesday the 30th of the month— Be ready, and go along—

Yours as ever

A. Lincoln

From John Lorton to Abraham Lincoln, February 14, 1861

Nebraska City, Nebraska Ter.

Feb 14. 1861

Dear Sir,

I am an old man now — past eighty years of age. I went to Illinois to live in 1805. For 3 years & 6 mos I served with the U. S. Rangers. I had command of a company through the Black Hawk War;1 and was in the habit of seeing you often. It is a great while since then and perhaps you do not remember me. If you cannot ask, Stephen A Douglas, or Gov Dodge,2 or Gov Grimes3 or Breckenridge4 (who is my relative) and they will tell you that I am an old man who would not tell a lie. I am a democrat, but I want to tell you about the characters of the officials sent here. I have only a little while to live, but before I die I want to see better justice done to this Territory. Every office in the Territory wants clearing out — with one or two exceptions. Six years ago I was appointed Indian Farmer for 10 years— I have known well the affairs of the Territory and I never heard of such acts as have been committed. The officials sent here are almost all drunkards and thieves. If they are not one they are the other or both together. This can be proved and has been in the case of two of our Marshals, and would be in almost every other instance if these men were not so banded together that no indictments can be found or if found no court will prosecute them, as you will find on record in the Department, in the case of our last Grand Jury. I am telling you the truth, and I wish I could make you know the enormities practised here. Now, Mr Lincoln a great many men have gone on to Washington from this place to get offices under your administration. If you give these offices to them the same things will be enacted again. Some of them are only Republicans for the time being and are in the employ of the administration men, who expect that by their appointments their iniquity will be concealed. We especially need here a good Judiciary and honest Indian Agents. Here in this 2d Judicial District we want a Judge who lives here and has interests in common with the people. O. P. Mason and Wm H Taylor will both claim the office, and will spend all the money they can raise to get it. Take the word of an old man and do not give it to either. They always go with the mob. They both came here Democrats. We — the people — want you to appoint

1 In the 1831 Black Hawk campaign, Lorton commanded a company of Greene County volunteers in Col. James D. Henry's 2nd Regiment.

2 Henry Dodge was a former governor of Wisconsin Territory and United States Senator from Wisconsin.

3 James W. Grimes

4 John C. Breckinridge was Vice President of the United States, and the Southern Democratic candidate for President in 1860.

James Sweet of Nebraska City5

5 Neither Mason, Taylor, nor Sweet received the judicial appointment. The judicial offices of Nebraska Territory were filled by William P. Kellogg, Samuel Milligan, and William F. Lockwood.

Judge 2d Judicial District

We also want for the Otoe and Missouri Agency

James H Gregg, of this place6

6 John P. Baker of Nebraska received the Otoe and Missouri Agency.

He is a good, honest, sober man, who will apply every dollar of the fund to its right purpose, who will not steal from the Indians or from the Government. Mr Lincoln, six years I have been with these Indians. I tell you what I do know. Every year the Indians have been defrauded of fully 1/3 of their annuities. The Agent came here a poor man.7 He has no means of gaining money aside from his agency. He spends a great deal for liquors, entertainments, traveling expenses, dress & furniture. He has a house for which he has paid out $4,700. Last Spring the annuity was sent on. The amount was $13000. There are 404 Indians among whom it should have been divided. The sum paid them was $1818. all told, and this will be proved when the Grand Jury sits again. The winter annuity $13000. lies here now, and has f since last October. Not a dollar of it has been paid to the Indians and not a dollar of it will they ever get if a Sub Agent is not immediately empowered to pay it out; or at least the portion that remains. Meantime the Indians are in a starving condition. Last year the crops failed. We did not get back the seed planted. The tribes have no grain or corn or vegetables. They have no food save buffalo meat. It has been an unusually severe winter and they are without food and clothing. Nothing has been sent them except a few sacks of flour several days ago. The government property is being changed as fast as possible into money, and the Agent is going immediately to the Southern Confederacy hoping there to be beyond the reach of the law. We have tried to get this matter attended to but could not succeed. This is but an instance of official dishonesty — but through almost all the departments every possible fraud has been committed. The appointments I suggest would affectuallly clear out our courts and our agency, and justice would be done by those men. I cannot say the same for any other applicants from this region, and we want the appointments made in the Territory — among men who live here. Hoping that you will heed this advice, and believing that an opportunity will be given for me to prove what I know. I remain,

7 William W. Dennison of South Carolina was the incumbent officeholder at the time of the writing of this letter.

Your Obedient Servant

John Lorton

per Amanuensis—

From Abraham Lincoln to Ephraim and Phoebe Ellsworth [Copy]1, May 25, 1861

1 Elmer Ellsworth had been a law student in Lincoln's law office and was an exceptional young man. When war broke out, Ellsworth energetically raised and drilled a company of Zouaves. Lincoln's feelings toward him were almost paternal, and the president grieved after the young colonel was killed on May 24 while hauling down a Confederate flag in Alexandria, Virginia. Ellsworth's funeral was held in the White House. For a contemporary (and panegyric) sketch of Ellsworth by Lincoln's secretary John Hay, see Michael Burlingame, ed., At Lincoln's Side: John Hay's Civil War Correspondence and Selected Writings (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 2000), 141-51.

Washington D. C.

May 25. 1861

To the Father and Mother of Col. Elmer E. Ellsworth:

My dear Sir and Madam,

In the untimely loss of your noble son, our affliction here, is scarcely less than your own— So much of promised usefulness to one's country, and of bright hopes for one's self and friends, have rarely been so suddenly dashed, as in his fall. In size, in years, and in youthful appearance, a boy only, his power to command men, was surpassingly great— This power, combined with a fine intellect, an indomitable energy, and a taste altogether military, constituted in him, as seemed to me, the best natural talent, in that department, I ever knew. And yet he was singularly modest and deferential in social intercourse— My acquaintance with him began less than two years ago; yet through the latter half of the intervening period, it was as intimate as the disparity of our ages, and my engrossing engagements, would permit— To me, he appeared to have no indulgences or pastimes; and I never heard him utter a profane, or an intemperate word— What was conclusive of his good heart, he never forgot his parents— The honors he labored for so laudably, and, in the sad end, so gallantly gave his life, he meant for them, no less than for himself—

In the hope that it may be no intrusion upon the sacredness of your sorrow, I have ventured to address you this tribute to the memory of my young friend, and your brave and early fallen child.

May God give you that consolation which is beyond all earthly power—

Sincerely your friend

in a common affliction—

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Caleb B. Smith1, May 31, 1861

1 It seems certain that Lincoln's former Washington landlady, Mrs. Ann G. Sprigg, a widow, was the applicant for some kind of government job or business within the purview of Caleb B. Smith, Lincoln's first Secretary of the Interior. Her application to Lincoln has been lost, and it is not known what she was requesting.

When I was a member of Congress a dozen years ago, I boarded with the lady who writes the within letter—2 She is a most worthy and deserving lady; and if what she desires can be consistently done, I shall be much obliged I say this sincerely and earnestly—

2 Lincoln boarded in 1848 and 1849 with Mrs. Sprigg, whose boarding house on First Street between A Street and East Capitol Street catered to Whig Congressmen and stood on ground now occupied by the Jefferson Building of the Library of Congress.

A. Lincoln

May 31, 1861

[Endorsed by Mary Todd Lincoln:]

Hon Mr Smith:

We boarded some months, with Mrs. Sprigg,3 & found her a most estimable lady & would esteem it a personal favor, if her request, could be granted.

3 Mary Lincoln did not stay in Washington for the whole of Lincoln's congressional term, but spent a good portion of that time at her father's home in Lexington, Ky.

Mrs. A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Joseph Holt1, September 18, 1861

1 It is not known if Merriwether attained the desired clerkship, but the absence of a message from Holt makes it doubtful.

Executive, Mansion

Sep. 18. 1861.

If Mr. Holt would be glad for the bearer, Mr. A. H. Merriwether to have a clerkship, will he please say so below?

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Salmon P. Chase [Copy]1, November 29, 1861

1 William Johnson had accompanied Lincoln to Washington and served as his valet and barber. He was given a place as a messenger in the Treasury Department. See Collected Works, V, 33n, VI, 69n.

Executive Mansion

Nov. 29, 1861

My dear Sir:

You remember kindly asking me, some time ago whether I really desired you to find a place for William Johnson, a colored boy who came from Illinois with me— If you can find him the place shall really be glad obliged.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Henry W. Halleck [Copy in a Secretarial Hand]1, December 2, 1861

1 On November 20, 1861, General Halleck had written to General George B. McClellan, complaining of having no authority to declare and enforce martial law in Missouri. Writing a few days later of insurgents in North Missouri, he declared “I cannot arrest such men and seize their papers for there is no civil law or civil authority to reach them.” See Collected Works, V, 27-28.

General:

As an insurrection exists in the United States and is in arms in the State of Missouri, you are hereby authorized and empowered to suspend the Writ of Habeas Corpus within the limits of the military division under your command and to exercise martial law as you find it necessary in your discretion to secure the public safety and the authority of the United States.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed at Washington, this second day of December, A D 1861.

Abraham Lincoln2

2 Signed by Lincoln.

By the President:

William H SewardSecretary of State.

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Copy]1, January 31, 1862

1 A conflict had developed between James H. Lane and General David Hunter over Lane's desire to command an expedition from Kansas into Texas and Arkansas. For more correspondence pertaining to the conflict, see Hunter to Edwin Stanton, February 1, 1862; Hunter to Lincoln, February 4, 1862; Collected Works, V, 115-16; Lincoln to Hunter, February 10, 1862; Hunter to Lane, February 13, 1862; Lane to Hunter, February 13, 1862; and Hunter to Lincoln, February 14, 1862.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, January 31. 1862.

My dear Sir:

It is my wish that the expedition commonly called the “Lane Expedition” shall be as much as has been promised at the Adjutant General's Office, under the supervision of Gen— McClellan, and not any more. I have not intended, and do not now intend that it shall be a great exhausting affair; but a snug, sober column of 10.000 or 15.000— Gen. Lane has been told by me many times that he is under the Command of Gen. Hunter, and assented to it as often as told. It was the distinct agreement between him & me when I appointed him, that he was to be under Hunter.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Copy]1, March 4, 1862

1 Secretary of War Stanton complied with Lincoln's request, though he dated the nomination March 4 rather than the day earlier. See Collected Works, V, 143.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, March 4. 1862.

My dear Sir

Send me at once a nomination of Daniel Tyler of Connecticut as a Brigadier General of Volunteers— Let it date as of yesterday, so as to be part of the lot then then sent to the Senate.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to George B. McClellan [Copy]1, April 9, 1862

1 Lincoln and General McClellan had conflicting notions of what the proper object of the Union army should be. To Lincoln, the destruction of the enemy's force should be the goal. To McClellan it should be the capture of Richmond, and the proper means of accomplishing this was to attack Richmond from the east, via the peninsula between the James and York Rivers, where the navy could protect his supply lines. Moving a large army to the peninsula necessitated the removal of a substantial force from the line between Washington and Manassas, thus, as Lincoln saw it, leaving Washington without adequate defense. And to Lincoln, the political damage that would result from the loss of Washington would be incalculable. Lincoln therefore was skeptical about the Peninsular Campaign from the outset, and the fundamental tension between him and McClellan is obvious in this letter.

Another copy of this letter is elsewhere in this collection.

Washington, April 9. 1862

My dear Sir.

Your despatches complaining that you are not properly sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me very much.

Blencker's Division was withdrawn from you before you left here; and you knew the pressure under which I did it, and, as I thought, acquiesced in it — certainly not without reluctance.2

2 See McClellan to Lincoln, March 31, 1862.

After you left, I ascertained that less than twenty thousand unorganized men, without a single field battery, were all you designed to be left for the defense of Washington, and Manassas Junction; and part of this even, was to go to Gen. Hooker's old position— Gen. Bank's corps, once designed for Manassas Junction, was diverted, and tied up on the line of Winchester and Strausburg, and could not leave it without again exposing the upper Potomac, and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad—

This presented, (or would present, when McDowell and Sumner should be gone) a great temptation to the enemy to turn back from the Rappahannock, and sack Washington— My explicit order that Washington should, by the judgment of all the commanders of Army Corps, be left entirely secure, had been neglected— It was precisely this that drove me to detain McDowell—3

3 Irvin McDowell's corps, which amounted to about a third of the force which McClellan intended to take to the peninsula, was retained to defend Washington on April 3, by Lincoln's order. Per McClellan's anxious request, a portion of McDowell's command was later restored to McClellan. See McClellan to Lincoln, April 5, 1862, McClellan to Lincoln, April 6, 1862.

I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement to leave Banks at Mannassas Junction; but when that arrangement was broken up, and nothing was substituted for it, of course I was not satisfied— I was constrained to substitute something for it myself— And now allow me to ask “Do you really think I should permit the line from Richmond, via Mannassas Junction, to this city to be entirely open, except what resistance could be presented by less than twenty thousand unorganized troops?” This is a question which the country will not allow me to evade—

There is a curious mystery about the number of the troops now with you. When I telegraphed you on the 6th saying you had over a hundred thousand with you, I had just obtained from the Secretary of War, a statement, taken as he said, from your own returns, making 108.000 then with you, and en route to you. You now say you will have but 85.000, when all en route to you shall have reached you— How can the discrepancy of 23.000 be accounted for?4

4 See Collected Works, V, 182. McClellan's response was that his number was accurate, since General John E. Wool's command had been taken out of his control. Wool, in command at Fortress Monroe, could only “protect my communication in rear of this point at this time,” and could not be used for an assault upon Richmond. See McClellan to Lincoln, April 7, 1862.

As to Gen. Wool's command, I understand it is doing for you precisely what a like number of your own would have to do, if that command was away—

I suppose the whole force which has gone forward for you, is with you by this time; and if so, I think it is the precise time for you to strike a blow— By delay the enemy will relatively gain upon you — that is, he will gain faster, by fortifications and re-inforcements, than you can by re-inforcements alone—

And, once more let me tell you, it is indispensable to you that you strike a blow— I am poweless to help this— You will do me the justice to remember that I always insisted, that going down the Bay in search of a field, instead of fighting at or near Mannassas, was only shifting, and not surmounting, a difficulty — that we would find the same enemy, and the same, or equal, intrenchments, at either place— The country will not fail to note — is now noting — that the present hesitation to move upon an intrenched enemy, is but the story of Manassas repeated—

I beg to assure you that I have never written you, or spoken to you, in greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with a fuller purpose to sustain you, so far as in my most anxious judgment, I consistently can— But you must act.

Yours very truly

A. Lincoln

From Edwin Wright to Abraham Lincoln, May 23, 1862

13 Avery St. Boston May 23. 1862

Honored Sir,

Having had good opportunity to learn what sentiments dwell in the spinal marrows of the bone-and-muscle class of our northern people, I trust you will pardon me for saying, that if more troops are wanted on the Union side, they will be most readily obtained by putting the war openly on the policy suggested in the enclosed publications.1 Your own more comprehensive view of the field will of course teach you whether there are reasons unconsidered by me which should overrule this course. I do not presume to advise, but to testify. It is within my own personal knowledge that the best fighting material in the New England ranks is infused not by negrophilism, as the old traitor of the N. Y. Herald2 would call it but by the spirit of the political grand fathers, and that there is much, quite as good, left, which could not be persuaded to enlist till it knew it would be fighting to establish equality before the law as the law of the Union.

1 The publications enclosed by Wright are not in this collection.

2 James Gordon Bennett published and edited the New York Herald.

Respectfully & faithfully yours, Edwin Wright.

From Morris Ketchum to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1, July 28, 1862

1 Ketchum was a New York businessman. There is no record that Capt. Bradley was ever authorized to raise the regiment to which Ketchum refers.

New York July 28th 1862

Sir

A call from one of our Countrys brave defenders will not be deemed by you an intrusion

I beg to introduce to you such an one in the person of Capt Jas H Bradley of 5th N. Y. State Vols. whose gallantry has stood the test of numerous battles and whose claims upon his country bear the seal of a wound recieved in the second days conflict upon the Chickahominy.

Capt Bradley proposes to raise a regiment under the recent call for men2 — to facilitate which some authority from the War Dept is needed.

2 The text of Lincoln's July 1, 1862 call for 300,000 volunteers is in Collected Works, V, 296-97.

He is believed to be suited for this work, and I wish to put him in communication with the War Department under circumstances favoring his success.

Though he has seen service Capt Bradley is quite a young man for the position he aspires to take. Will it therefore be too much to ask that you endorse this letter over to the Secy of War, at whose hands, being thus brought to his notice— I doubt not he will receive all the consideration to which he may be entitled

Very Respectfully

Your Obedient Servant

Morris Ketchum

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

We want the proposed Regiment if we can get it, and, with the concurrence of the Sec. of War, and the Gov— of New-York, and not without, let Capt Bradley raise the regiment.

A. Lincoln

July 30. 1862.

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Copy]1, July 30, 1862

1 The committee from New York that interviewed Lincoln sought an order from the War Department that would expedite recruiting into existing regiments.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, July 20, 1862.

Sir:

These gentlemen desire some order to facilitate recruiting in the City of New-York— I think you may safely give them such as they desire, making it subject to the approval of the Govenor of the State—

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to John M. Clay [Copy]1, August 9, 1862

1 In a letter to Lincoln on August 4, the son of Lincoln's political ideal, Henry Clay, sent the President a memento of his father, a snuff box. The son acknowledged that he shared his father's conviction “that he owed a higher allegiance to the Constitution and Government of the United States than to the Constitution and Government of any State.” Clay assured Lincoln that his mother, Henry Clay's widow, consented to the gift of the snuff box.

A draft of this letter is also in this collection.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, August 9, 1862.

My dear Sir:

The snuff-box you sent, with the accompanying note, was received yesterday—

Thanks for this memento of your great and patriotic father— Thanks also for the assurance that, in these days of dereliction, you remain true to his principles— In the concurrent sentiment of your venerable mother, so long the partner of his bosom and his honors, and lingering now, where he was, but for the call to rejoin him where he is, I recognize his voice, speaking as it ever spoke, for the Union, the Constitution, and the freedom of mankind.

Your Obt. Servt.

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Henry W. Halleck1, August 11, 1862

1 Colonel Paul was elevated to the rank of brigadier general of volunteers on September 5, 1862. See Collected Works, Supplement I, 146. For Paul's wife's assistance in gaining his promotion, see Abraham Lincoln, Memorandum on Gabriel R. Paul, August 23, 1862.

Executive Mansion

Aug. 11. 1862

Majr. Gen. Halleck.

Lieut. Col. Paul of the 8th Infantry, will hand you this— His regiment, he says, is not in condition for him to be with it, of which he will tell you more particularly— He is a West Pointer, and wants service— Can you not assign him so as to be of advantage to the service?

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Francis H. Peirpoint [Draft]1, October 23, 1862

1 The following probably pertains to Peirpoint's disappointment over the internal revenue appointments made in his district. Peirpoint's letter of October 17 has not been found, nor has further reference to Ross and Ritcher. But see Peirpoint to Lincoln, October 16, 1862, October 18, 1862, and Collected Works, V, 473n.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, Oct 23. 1862.

Your letter of the 23rd 17th just received— When you come to Washington, I shall be pleased to show you the record upon which we acted— Nevertheless, answer this, distinctly saying you wish Ross & Ritcher, or any other two you do really want, and they shall be appointed.

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Alfred W. Ellet [Copy in a Secretarial Hand]1, November 7, 1862

1 General Alfred W. Ellet had been in command of the Union fleet of armored ramming vessels on the Mississippi. When the rams were transferred by Congressional order to the Navy, Ellet's status required redefinition, as Lincoln acknowledges here.

Executive Mansion

Nov 7, 1862

Ordered

That Brigadier General Ellett report to Rear Admiral Porter for instructions and act under his direction until otherwise ordered by the War Department

Abraham Lincoln2

2 Signed by Lincoln.

From Abraham Lincoln to Edward Bates [Copy]1, November 10, 1862

1 Lincoln responds here to a judicial vacancy that had opened in Indiana with the death in October of Judge Elisha M. Huntington. Bates replied that he could not act as Lincoln suggests here, that the matter required “Judicial and not Executive action...” Lincoln appointed Caleb Smith to fill the vacancy when Smith asked to be relieved from his duties as secretary of the interior. See Bates to Lincoln, November 11, 1862, Smith to Lincoln, November 12, 1862.

Executive Mansion

Washington, D. C. Nov. 10. 1862

Dear Sir

I am not quite ready to appoint a Judge for the District of Indiana; and, therefore I will thank you to take proper measures for having court held by a neighboring Judge.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

From William H. Seward to Abraham Lincoln [With Notes by Lincoln]1, December 26, 1862

1 On December 23 Lincoln noted to the members of the Cabinet that a bill admitting West Virginia as a state had passed both Houses of Congress and was presented to him for approval. He asked for written opinions as to whether the act was constitutional and expedient. See Lincoln to Members of the Cabinet, December 23, 1862.

[Note by Lincoln: (Copy)]

[Marginal Note by Lincoln: Mr Seward.]

To the President of the United States.

Western Virginia is organized unquestionably with all the constitutional elements and faculties of a state, and with a republican form of government. It, therefore, has a title to be a candidate for admission into the Federal Union. Congress has power to admit new States, but it is a power restricted within certain limitations. One of these limitations is that no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State without the consent of that state (a) as well as the consent of the new State (a) and the consent of Congress.2 It is an undisputed fact that the new State of Western (b) Virginia has been both formed and erected within the jurisdiction of the State of Virginia. Has the consent of the State (a) of Virginia to the formation and erection of the State of West Virginia been given, or has it not been given? Upon this point the Constitutionality of the Act of Congress now before me turns. The constituted and regular authorities of a State called the State of Virginia sitting at Wheeling, within the jurisdiction of that State, claiming to be the State of Virginia, and acting as such, have in a due and regular manner declared and given the consent of the State of Virginia (a) to the formation and erection of the State of West Virginia within the jurisdiction of the State of Virginia.3 Thus far the case seems simple and clear. But it is just at this point that a complication begins. If we would unfold it successfully we must first state the existing facts in regard to the constitutional position of the State of Virginia, as well as those which belong to the formation and erection of the new State of West Virginia. About the month of April, 1861, an insurrection against the Federal Union broke out within the State of Virginia. The constituted authorities, with the seeming consent of a majority of the People of the State inaugurated a revolutionary war which they have carried to the extreme points of pronounced independence and the setting up of a pretended revolutionary and belligerent government. The organized political body which has commited this treason, having broken and trampled under its feet Constitution and even the Union, of the United States, is still standing in that treasonable attitude within the jurisdiction of the State of Virginia, but it has been dislodged from that portion of that jurisdiction which is contained within the new State of West Virginia. This organization has not given its consent to the formation and erection of the State of Western Virginia, and in its present attitude it is clear that it neither can nor will give that consent. The State of Virginia having thus fallen into revolution, the people living within that part of its jurisdiction which is embraced within the new State of West Virginia, adhering in their loyalty to the State of Virginia and also to the United States, availed themselves of the fortune of Civil War to discard the treasonable authorities of Virginia, reorganized the State, and with all needful forms and solemnities chose and constituted the public functionaries for the state as nearly in conformity with the constitution of Virginia as in the revolutionary condition of that State was practicable. The State of Virginia, thus reorganized, appeared in Congress by its representatives in both Houses, and was then deliberately acknowledged and recognized by the Executive, as well as by the Legislature of the United States, as the State of Virginia, one of the original members of the Federal Union (c). This State of Virginia, thus constituted and acknowledged, has given its consent to the formation and erection of the State of West Virginia, within the jurisdiction of the State of Virginia. Why is not this consent an adequate one?

2 Article 4, Section 3 of the Constitution

3 A convention meeting at Wheeling from June 11 to 25, 1861, after the occupation of western Virginia by Union troops, formed a Restored Government of Virginia. This government was recognized by the Lincoln administration. In October, residents of the thirty-nine western counties of Virginia approved the formation of a new state. A constitutional convention met from November 1861 to February 1862, and on May 13, 1862 the Restored Government of Virginia granted permission for the formation of a new state. The statehood bill passed the Senate on July 4, 1862, and finally the House on December 10.

[Marginal Notes by Lincoln:

(a) Not the consent of the State, but of the “Legislature” of the State.

(b) Western is not the name. It is “West” Va.

(c) Right— & so Va is in the Union.]

We can object to it only on the ground that the political body which gave the consent is not in fact and in law really the State (d) of Virginia. It is replied, with great force that the United States are estopped from assuming that position. I do not think it necessary however, to rely upon that ground. There is no need of the plea of estoppel when when justice can be done without it, and, whatever may be the force of an estoppel in law when it works injustice, it ought not to be allowed in politics when it works in that way. It seems to me that the political body which has given consent in this case is really and uncontestably the State of Virginia (d). So long as the United States do not recognize the Secession, departure or Separation of one of the States, that state must be deemed as existing and having a Constitutional place within the Union (e), whatever may be at any moment exactly its revolutionary condition. A State thus situated cannot be deemed to be divided into two or more states merely by any revolutionary proceeding which may have occurred, because there cannot be constitutionally two or more States of Virginia. There must and can be in the view of the Constitution, at all times only one State of Virginia. Here are two distinct political bodies, each asserting itself to be that one State of Virginia. Some constituted power must decide this dispute. The point in dispute necessarily affects the Federal Union. No matter whether the one or the other of these two bodies is the real State of Virginia, the Federal Union has authority to maintain within the State, which cannot and must not be left in abeyance, and the body which is truly the State of Virginia has rights and holds obligations upon the Federal Union which must be conceded and fulfilled. The United States must therefore decide for themselves, so far as their rights and responsibilities extend, which of the two political bodies asserting themselves respectively to be the State of Virginia is truly the State and which is not (f). The United States are not shut up within a necessity for deciding it in favor of either body. They can say that, although the old organization is for the present moment disloyal, treasonable, and insurrectionary, yet it shall not be deprived of its powers and privileges. Or they may say on the other hand, that this old organization has forfeited and lost its right to be regarded as a constitutional one, and it shall be suppressed, and a new and loyal one, constituted in its place, shall be acknowledged as the State of Virginia, and dealt with accordingly. It is a practical question, to be decided by the United States upon the grounds of public necessity or expediency, with a view to the best and permanent interests of the State of Virginia, and the United States. As I have already intimated, the question has been heretofore decided by the United States in favor of the new and against the old organization. The newly organized State of Virginia is therefore, at this moment, by the express consent of the United States, invested with all the rights of the State of Virginia, and charged with all the powers, privileges and dignity of that State. If the United States {allow to that organization any of these rights, powers, and privileges, it must be allowed to possess and enjoy them all. If it be a State competent to} be represented in Congress and bound to pay taxes, it is a State competent to give the required consent of the State to the formation and erection of the new State of West Virginia within the jurisdiction of Virginia.

[Marginal Notes by Lincoln:

(d) Legislature?

(d)

(e) Good. A full committal. The State is in the Union.

(f) Here is a strange confusion of language; for certainly, neither of the “bodies” is the State. It is, by the terms of the Constitution, not the State, but the Legislature, whose consent is needed]

[Marginal Note by Lincoln Next to Bracketed Text: ?]

But in reply to this it is said that the new State of West Virginia includes Substantially all of the State of Virginia which is actually occupied by and submissive to the re-organized State of Virginia, so that this reorganized State of Virginia must cease to exist the moment that by its consent the State of West Virginia shall have come into the Federal Union. This argument seems to me unsatisfactory and inconclusive. Western Virginia will not then be the State of Virginia, nor will the State of Virginia cease to exist, although, through accidents of Civil War, there shall for the moment be no loyal and constitutional political organization of the State. Within that part of the jurisdiction of the original State of Virginia which will remain, there will still be a State of Virginia, the old State, with its Constitutional functions wholy or in part suspended or in abeyance, but capable of complete reconstruction and reorganization by its people, just as the State was reorganized and reconstructed when the government now at Wheeling was organized. If it be said that this is unjust to the State of Virginia, I answer that the Constitutional reservation of a right on the part of that state to object to the foundation and erection of a new state within her limits, was a reservation for her benefit. If, through perversness and disloyalty, a majority of her people, in a revolutionary way, put themselves into a condition in which they cannot and will not assert that right, they cannot by that wrongful and injurious course deprive the loyal people of Western Virginia of their claim to be heard when, in a Constitutional manner, they form and erect a new State, or deprive Congress of the power to decide the question as the interests and the safety of the whole country require.

I am therefore of opinion that the Act for the admission of West Virginia is a constitutional one. Upon the question of expediency I am determined by two conditions.

First, The people of Western Virginia will be safer from molestation for their loyalty, because better able to protect and defend themselves as a new and separate State, than they would be if left to demoralizing uncertainty, upon the question, whether in the progress of the war, they may not be again re-absorbed in the State of Virginia, and subjected to severities as a punishment for their present devotion to the Union. The first duty of the United States is protection to loyalty wherever it is found.

Second. I am of opinion that the harmony and peace of the Union will be promoted by allowing the new State to be formed and erected, which will assume jurisdiction over that part of the valley of the Ohio which lies on the South side of the Ohio river, displacing, in a constitutional and lawful manner, the jurisdiction heretofore exercised there by a political power concentrated at the head of the James River. (g)

[Marginal Note by Lincoln:

(g) What does this mean? The real reason, often, orally given, was the necessity to have a free state South of the Ohio.]

Respectfully Submitted:

(Signed) William H Seward

Department of State

Washington December 26. 1862

From Salmon P. Chase to Abraham Lincoln [With Notes by Lincoln]1, December 29, 1862

1 On December 23 Lincoln noted to the members of the Cabinet that a bill admitting West Virginia as a state had passed both Houses of Congress and was presented to him for approval. He asked for written opinions as to whether the act was constitutional and expedient. See Lincoln to Members of the Cabinet, December 23, 1862.

[Note by Lincoln: Copy]

[Marginal Note by Chase: Mr Chase to the Prest]

Treasury Department

Dec 29. 1862

Sir:

My most thoughtful attention has been given to the questions which you have proposed to me as the Head of one of the Departments, touching the Act of Congress admitting the State of Virginia into the Union.

The questions proposed are two:—

I Is the Act constitutional?

2 Is the Act expedient?

I In my judgment the Act is constitutional.

In the Convention which framed the Constitution, the formation of new States was much considered. Some of the ablest men in the Convention, including all or nearly all the Delegates from Maryland, Delaware and New Jersey, insisted that Congress should have power to form new States, within the limits of existing states, without the consent of the latter. All agreed that Congress should have the power, with that consent. The result of deliberation was the grant to Congress of a general power to admit (a) new States; with a limit on its exercise in respect to States formed within the jurisdiction of old States, or by the junction of old States or parts of such, to cases of consent by the Legislature of the States concerned.2

2 Article 4, Section 3

[Marginal Note by Lincoln: (a) to “admit” is not to “form”]

The power of Congress to admit the State of West-Virginia, formed within the existing State of Virginia, is clear, if the consent of the Legislature of the State of Virginia has been given. (a)

[Marginal Note by Lincoln: (a) Without the consent of the Legislature of the new State?]

That this consent has been given cannot be denied, unless the whole action of the Executive and Legislative branches of the Federal Government for the last eighteen months has been mistaken, and is now to be reversed.

In April, 1861, a Convention of citizens of Virginia assumed to pass an Ordinance of Secession; called in rebel troops; and made common cause with the insurrection which had broken out against the Government of the United States. Most of the persons exercising the functions of State Government in Virginia joined the rebels and refused to perform their duties to the Union they had sworn to support. They thus abdicated their powers of government in respect to the United States. But a large portion of the people, a number of members of the Legislature, and some judicial officers, did not follow their treasonable example. Most of the members of the Legislature who remained faithful to their oaths, met at Wheeling and reconstituted the Government of Virginia, and elected Senators in Congress who now occupy their seats as such. Under this reconstituted Government, a Governor has been elected, who now exercises Executive authority throughout the State, except so far as he is excluded by armed rebellion— By repeated and most significant acts, the Government of the United States has recognized this Government of Virginia as the only legal and constitutional Government of the whole State.3

3 A convention meeting at Wheeling from June 11 to 25, 1861, after the occupation of western Virginia by Union troops, formed a Restored Government of Virginia. This government was recognized by the Lincoln administration. In October, residents of the thirty-nine western counties of Virginia approved the formation of a new state. A constitutional convention met from November 1861 to February 1862, and on May 13, 1862 the Restored Government of Virginia granted permission for the formation of a new state. The statehood bill passed the Senate on July 4, 1862, and finally the House on December 10.

And, in my judgment, no other course than this was open to the National Government. In every case of insurrection involving the persons exercising the powers of State Government, when a large body of the people remain faithful that body, so far as the Union is concerned, must be taken to constitute the State. It would have been as absurd as it would have been impolitic to deny to the large loyal population of Virginia the powers of a State Government, because men whom they had clothed with Executive or Legislative or Judicial powers had betrayed their trusts and joined in rebellion against their country.

It does not admit of doubt, therefore, as it seems to me that the Legislature which gave its consent to the formation and erection of the State of West-Virginia was the true and only lawful Legislature of the State of Virginia. The Madison Papers clearly show that the consent of the Legislature of the original State was the only consent required to the erection and foundation of a new State within its jurisdiction. That consent having been given, the consent of the new State, if required, is proved by her application for admission.

Nothing required by the Constitution to the formation and admission of West-Virginia into the United States is, therefore, wanting; and the Act of admission must necessarily be constitutional.

Nor is this conclusion technical as some may think. The Legislature of Virginia, it may be admitted, did not contain many members from the Eastern Counties. It contained, however, Representatives from all Counties whose inhabitants were not either rebels themselves, or dominated by greater numbers of rebels. It was the only Legislature of the State known to the Union. If its consent was not valid, no consent could be. If its consent was not valid, the Constitution as to the People of West-Virginia has been so suspended by the rebellion that a most important right under it is utterly lost.

It is safer, in my opinion to follow plain principles to plain conclusions, than to turn aside from consequences clearly logical because not exactly agreeable to our views of expediency.

2. And this brings me to the second question: Is the Act of admission expedient?

The Act is almost universally regarded as of vital importance to their welfare by the loyal people most immediately interested, and it has received the santion of large majorities in both Houses of Congress. These facts afford strong presumtions of expediency.

It is, moreover, well known that, for many years, the people of West-Virginia have desired separation on good and substantial grounds; nor do I perceive any good reason to believe that consent to such separation would now be witheld by a Legislature actually elected from all the Counties of the State and untouched by rebel Sympathies.

[Marginal Note by Lincoln: ?]

However this may be, much — very much — is due to the desires and convictions of the loyal people of West-Virginia. To them, admission is an object of intense interest; and their conviction is strongly expressed that the Veto of the Act and its consequent failure would result in the profound discouragement of all loyal men and the proportional elation and joy of every sympathizer with rebellion— Nor is it to be forgotten that such a veto will be regarded by many as an abandonment of the views which have hitherto guided the action of the Government in relation to Virginia; will operate as a sort of disavowal of the loyal Government; and may be followed by its disorganization. No act not imperatively demanded by Constitutional duty should be performed by the Executive, if likely to be attended by consequences like these.

[Marginal Note by Lincoln: ?]

It may be said, indeed, that the admission of West-Virginia will draw after it the necessity of admitting other States under the consent of extemporized Legislatures assuming to act for whole States, though really representing no important part of their territory. I think this necessity imaginary. There is no such Legislature, nor is there likely to be. No such Legislature, if extemporized, is likely to receive the recognition of Congress or the Executive. The case of West-Virginia will form no evil precident. Far otherwise. It will encourage the loyal by the assurance it will give of National recognition and support; but it will inspire no hopes that the National Government will countenance needless and unreasonable attempts to break up or impair the integrity of States. If a State parallel to that of West-Virginia shall present itself, it will, doubtless, be entitled to like consideration; but the contingency of such a case is surely too remote to countervail all the considerations of expediency which sustain the Act.

[Marginal Note by Lincoln: Why not?]

My answer to both questions, is affirmative

(signed) S. P. Chase

Abraham Lincoln, Memorandum on West Virginia [Copy in a Secretarial Hand]1, [December 31, 1862]

1 Concerned about the constitutionality and, indeed, the expediency of a part of a state seceding from an existing state, Lincoln requested his cabinet on December 23, 1862 to submit opinions on whether or not West Virginia should be admitted into the Union as a state. Three of the cabinet favored West Virginia's admission (Seward, Stanton and Chase); three opposed it (Blair, Bates and Welles). To clarify the matter for himself, since his cabinet was equally divided, Lincoln also wrote the opinion on the case that follows, and signed the statehood bill on December 31. Lincoln's draft of this opinion is elsewhere in this collection. For cabinet members' opinions, see Edwin M. Stanton to Lincoln, December 26, 1862; Montgomery Blair to Lincoln, December 26, 1862; William H. Seward to Lincoln, December 26, December 30, 1862; Edward Bates to Lincoln, December 27, 1862; Salmon P. Chase to Lincoln, December 29, 1862; and Gideon Welles to Lincoln, December 29, 1862.

[Marginal Note: The President's conclusion]

The consent of the Legislature of Virginia is constitutionally necessary to the bill for the admission of West-Virginia becoming a law. A body claiming to be such Legislature has given its consent. We cannot well deny that it is such, unless we do so upon the outside knowledge that the body was chosen at elections, in which a majority of the qualified voters of Virginia did not participate (a). But it is a universal practice in the popular elections in all these States to give no legal consideration whatever to those who do not choose to vote, as against the effect of the votes of those, who do choose to vote. Hence it is not the qualified voters, but the qualified voters, who choose to vote, that constitute the political power of the state. Much less than to non-voters, should any consideration be given to those who did not vote, in this case: because it is also matter of outside knowledge, that they were not merely neglectful of their rights under, and duty to, the government, but were also engaged in open rebellion against it. Doubtless among these non-voters were some union men whose voices were smothered by the more numerous secessionists; but we know too little of their number to assign them any applicable appreciable value. Can this government stand, if it indulges constitutional constructions by which men in open rebellion against it, are to be accounted, man for man, the equals of those who maintain their loyalty to it? Are they to be accounted even better citizens, and more worthy of consideration, than those who merely neglect to vote? If so, their treason against the constitution, enhance their constitutional value! Without braving these absurd conclusions, we can not deny that the body which consents to the admission of West-Virginia, is the Legislature of Virginia. I do not think the plural form of the words “Legislatures” and “States” in the phrase of the constitution “without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned &c”. has any reference to the new State concerned. That plural form sprang from the contemplation of two or more old States contributing to form a new one. The idea that the new state was in danger of being admitted without its own consent, was not provided against, because it was not thought of, as I conceived. It is said, the devil takes care of his own — much more should a good spirit — the spirit of the constitution and the Union — take care of its own— I think it can not do less, and live.

[Marginal Note by Lincoln: (a)]

But is the admission into the union, of West-Virginia, expedient. This in my general view, is more a question for Congress, than for the Executive. Still I do not evade it. More than on anything else, it depends on whether the admission or rejection of the new State would, under all the circumstances tend the more strongly to the restoration of the national authority througout the Union. That which keeps most in this direction is the most expedient at this time. Doubtless those in remaining Virginia would return to the Union, so to speak, less reluctantly without the division of the old state than with it; but I think we could not save as much in this quarter by rejecting the new state, as we should lose by it in West-Virginia. We can scarcely dispense with the aid of West-Virginia in this struggle; much less can we afford to have her against us, in Congress and in the field. Her brave and good men regard her admission into the union as a matter of life and death. They have been true to the union under very severe trials. We have so acted as to justify their hopes; and we can not fully retain their confidence, and co-operation, if we seem to break faith with them. In fact, they could not do so much for us, if they would.

[Marginal Note: !!!]

Again the admission of the new state, turns that much slave soil to free; and thus, is a certain, and irrevocable encroachment upon the cause of the rebellion.

The division of a State is dreaded as a precedent. But a measure made expedient by a war, is no precedent for times of peace. It is said that the admission of West-Virginia, is secession, and tolerated only because it is our secession. Well, if we call it by that name, there is still difference enough between secession against the constitution, and secession in favor of the constitution.

I believe the admission of West-Virginia into the Union is expedient.

Robert J. Walker and Frederick P. Stanton, Pamphlet [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1, 1862

1 The pamphlet, Argument of Walker & Stanton as to the Conclusive Character of the Duties of the Accounting Officers of the Treasury Under the Act of 1789, and Especially of the Third Auditor Under the Act of Third of March, 1849, Submitted in the Case of J. & R.H. Porter (Washington: Geo. S. Gideon, 1862) pertains to the case of J. & R. H. Porter who had a claim against the Treasury Department. Robert J. Walker and Frederick P. Stanton represented the Porters and published the pamphlet on the case. What was at issue was the discretion possessed by the secretary of the treasury in determining which auditor should adjudicate certain accounts. Lincoln endorsed the pamphlet and referred the matter to Nathan Sargent, who was in the office of the commissioner of customs. For further correspondence, see Sargent to Lincoln, October 16, 1862, October 20, 1862.

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

Mr. Walker tells me verbally that Mr. Crittenden, Mr. Cushing, Mr. Bates have severally given opinions adverse to his within, the latter of which was given since this, without the knowledge of this, as Mr. W. understands; and the two former, were u[n]known to Mr. W. when he prepared this.

A. L.

Abraham Lincoln, Emancipation Proclamation, Official Copy [Photostat] , January 1, 1863

Final Emancipation Proclamation, Final Draft, January 1, 1863.

By the President of the United States of America:

A Proclamation.

Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the following, to wit:

“That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

“That the Executive will; on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be, in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.”

Now, therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief, of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days, from the day first above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof respectively, are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit:

Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, (except the Parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James Ascension, Assumption, Terrebonne, Laforche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the City of New Orleans) Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth, and which excepted parts are, for the present, left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued.

And by virtue of the power, and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States, and parts of States, are, and henceforward shall be free; and that the Executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons.

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defense; and I recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages.

And I further declare and make known, that such persons of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service.

And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind, and the gracious favor of Almighty God.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty three, and of the Independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh.

Abraham Lincoln2

2 Signed by Lincoln.

By the President:

William H. Seward,3

3 Signed by Seward.

Secretary of State.

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton1, January 1, 1863

1 No further reference to this situation is known, nor is the identity of the old lady in question. See Collected Works, VI, 33n.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, Jany 1, 1863.

Dear Sir:

Yesterday a piteous appeal was made to me by an old lady of genteel appearances, saying she had, with what she thought sufficient assurance that she would not be disturbed by the government, fitted up the two South Divisions of the old “Duff Green” Row building in order to take boarders, and has boarders already in it, & others, including M. C.s. engaged, and that now she is ordered to be out of it by Saturday the 3rd Inst; and that, independently of the ruin it brings on her, by her lost out-lay, she neither has, nor can find another shelter for her own head— I know nothing about it myself, but promised to bring it to your notice.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Copy]1, January 23, 1863

1 Lincoln did not return Butler to New Orleans, and Banks' expedition to Texas did not set out until late in 1863. See Collected Works, VI, 81, 100, and Edwin M. Stanton's draft of orders for Butler, dated February 17, 1863, which orders were never sent.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, January 23. 1863.

Sir:

I think Gen. Butler should go to New-Orleans again. He is unwilling to go, unless he is restored to the command of the Department. He should start by the first of February, and should take some force with him. The whole must be so managed as to not wrong, or wound the feelings of Gen. Banks. His original wish was to go to Texas; and it must be arranged for him to do this now with a substantial force; and yet he must not go, to the endangering the opening of the Mississippi. I hope this may be done by the time Gen. Butler shall arrive there; but whether or not, I think we can not longer dispense with Gen. Butler's service.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

From John S. Phelps to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1, March 21, 1863

1 The letter to which this endorsement refers has been lost. Its content can be inferred from the endorsement.

[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]

Submitted to the Secretary of War.

A. Lincoln.

March 21, 1863

[Endorsement in Secretarial Hand:]

Governor John S. Phelps.

Suggests that immediate steps be taken to occupy the State of Arkansas with an adequate force — say 12,000 or 15,000 men.

March 21, 1863.

Abraham Lincoln, Memorandum on James Blake1, March 27, 1863

1 See Caleb B. Smith to Lincoln, March 23, 1863, in which James Blake is introduced as an estimable citizen of Indianapolis. It does not appear that any of the recommended appointments were ever made. See Collected Works, VI, 153.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, March 27. 1863.

To-day Mr Blake of Illinois Indianapolis, asks

1. Capt Aiken be promoted

2. Col. William H. Blake of the 9th be promoted.

3 Col. John W. Blake of the 40th be promoted.

4. That himself — James Blake — have something—

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

Submitted to the Secretary of War—

A. Lincoln

March. 30. 1863,

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Copy]1, March 29, 1863

1 The New York Mercury had published a spurious dispatch on March 29 claiming that one of the canals that General Grant's army had been digging around the fortifications at Vicksburg had been opened. See Collected Works, VI, 155.

March 29. 1863

Sir

I fear — in fact, believe — the despatch you mentioned is utter humbuggery— I have tracked it up & found that it came from Cairo last-night to the New-York-Mercury, was printed in that paper of this morning, which came by mail to Philadelphia & is thence telegraphed to Capt Fox.2 Now, is it not past belief that such news would be at Cairo that length of time, and not be sent directly to us — especially as Pennock3 is under strict orders to send every thing promptly. Besides there are no six-iron clads, nor 15000 men at Vicksburg to pass through the canal, even if the Mississippi river had risen fifteeen feet in as many minutes.

2 Gustavus V. Fox

3 Captain Alexander Pennock, who commanded the naval station at Cairo, Illinois.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton1, May 13, 1863

1 Clement L. Vallandigham had been arrested by military authorities on May 5. On May 9, Vallandigham's lawyers submitted a petition for a writ of habeas corpus to the U. S. Court for the Southern District of Ohio. Judge Humphrey Leavitt heard the case on May 11. Stanton feared that the court might rule against the arrest, so he drafted a general order suspending Vallandigham's right to the writ of habeas corpus. After consulting with Seward and Chase, Lincoln determined that Stanton's order was not necessary (As an Ohioan, Chase was well apprised of affairs in his state and he reckoned that Leavitt would not issue a writ of habeas corpus). In his decision, Leavitt denied Vallandigham's petition and upheld the military arrest. A military tribunal sentenced Vallandigham to imprisonment, but Lincoln overruled this decision and ordered Vallandigham banished to the Confederacy. For the habeas corpus proceedings in the Ohio court, see Official Records, Series II, Volume 5, 573-84.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, May 13, 1863.

My dear Sir

Since parting with you I have seen the Secretaries of State and the Treasury, and they both think we better not issue the special suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus spoken of— Gov. Chase thinks the case is not before Judge Swain,2 that it is before Judge Levitt,3 that the writ will probably not issue, whichever it the application may be before; and that, in no event, will Swain commit an imprudence— His chief reason for thinking the writ will not issue, is that he has seen in a newspaper that Judge Levitt stated that Judge Swain & he refused a similar application last year.

2 Noah H. Swayne

3 Humphrey H. Leavitt was judge of the United States District Court for Southern Ohio.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Robert H. Milroy1, June 29, 1863

1 General Milroy had been placed under arrest after he lost over 4,000 men in battle against Richard S. Ewell at Winchester, Virginia on June 15. A court of inquiry later cleared Milroy of any wrongdoing in the engagement, for it was established that orders that he should retreat from Winchester to Harper's Ferry had miscarried. See Milroy to John P. Usher, June 28, 1863, Milroy to Lincoln, June 28, 1863.

A copy of this letter in John G. Nicolay's hand is elsewhere in this collection.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, June 29. 1863.

My dear Sir:

Your letters to Mr. Blair Usher and to myself, are handed to me by him. I have never doubted your courage and devotion to the cause. But you have just lost a Division, and prima facie the fault is upon you; and while that remains unchanged, for me to put you in command again, is to justly subject me to the charge of having put you there on purpose to have you lose another— If I knew facts sufficient to satisfy me that you were not in fault, or error, the case would be different. But the facts I do know, while they are not at all conclusive, and I hope they may never prove so, tend the other way.

First, I have scarcely seen anything from you at any time, that did not contain imputations against your superiors, and a chafing against acting the part they had assigned you— You have constantly urged the idea that you were persecuted because you did not come from West-Point, and you repeat it in these letters. This, my dear general, is I fear, the rock on which you have split.

In the Winchester case, you were under General Schenck,2 and he under Gen. Halleck. I know by Gen. Hallecks order-book, that he, on the 11th of June advised Gen- Schenck to call you in from Winchester to Harper's Ferry; and I have been told, but do not know, that Gen. Schenck gave you the order accordingly, on the same day — and I have been told, but do not know, that on receiving it, instead of obeying it, you sent by mail a written protest against obeying it, which did not reach him until you were actually be leagered at Winchester. I say I do not know this. You hate West-Point generally, and General Halleck particularly; but I do know that it is not his fault that you were at Winchester on the 13th 14th and morning of the 15th — the days of your disaster. If Gen. Schenck gave the order as on the 11th as Gen. Halleck advised, it was an easy matter for you to have been off at least on the 12th The case is inevitably between Gen- Schenck & you— Neither Gen. Halleck, nor any one else, so far as I know, required you to stay and fight 60.000, with 6.000, as you insinuate— I know Gen. Halleck, through Gen. Schenck required you to get away, & that in abundant time for you to have done it— Gen- Schenck is not a West-Pointer & has no prejudice against you on that score—

2 Robert C. Schenck

Yours very truly

A. Lincoln

[Endorsed by Milroy:]

Old Abe is mistaken— Schenck never gave me Hallocks said order. But mearly ordered me, to send off — (back) — all surpluss stores &c. but in the mean time to hold my position till further orders— I sent off all surpluss stores held my position, but got no further orders becaus I was surrounded & telegraf wires cut.

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton1, July 17, 1863

1 Governor Carney had claimed that an order from the Secretary of War was outstanding which provided that General James Blunt should name officers for Kansas troops, which Carney only then could commission. Carney was feuding with Blunt and with James H. Lane. See Carney to Lincoln, June 25, 1863, Lincoln to Lane, July 17, 1863, Carney to Lincoln, July 19, 1863, and Collected Works, VI, 339-40.

Executive Mansion.

Washington, July 17. 1863.

My dear Sir:

It is proper, on principle, that the Governor of Kansas should stand on the same ground as other loyal governors, in giving original commissions, and in filling vacancies, for troops raised in his state; and I wish him to be so placed at once, unless you know some substantial reason to the contraryYours very truly

A. Lincoln.

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Copy]1, July 21, 1863

1 Lincoln believed that with the entire Mississippi open following the fall of Vicksburg, aggressive recruitment of black troops should be opened along that river.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, July 21, 1863.

My dear Sir:

I desire that a renewed and vigorous effort be made to raise colored forces, along the shores of the Missippi—

Please consult the General-in-Chief; and if it is perceived that any acceleration of the matter can be effected, let it be done.

I think the evidence is nearly conclusive that Gen. Thomas2 is one of the best, if not the very best, instruments for this service.

2 Lorenzo Thomas had made a trip to the lower Mississippi Valley in March of 1863 to recruit black soldiers, and was sent on that mission frequently thereafter.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln.

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Copy]1, September 1, 1863

1 General John A. Dix had offered amnesty to several hundred citizens of Virginia's Eastern Shore, who had been members of a Confederate regiment, if they were simply to lay down their arms. Later General Robert Schenck required an oath of allegiance of the same men, who still considered themselves bound by an oath of allegiance to the Confederacy. The penalty for those not taking the oath prescribed by Schenck was to be considered prisoners of war or to be exiled beyond Union lines. See Henry Z. Hayner to Lincoln, September 10, 1863.

In the same area, after a lighthouse had been destroyed by unknown persons, a fine of $20,000 was imposed upon 212 residents of the county. Amidst great protest, 161 residents paid their portion of the assessment, and on September 1, Lincoln suspended the fine. When news of Lincoln's order reached the people of Northampton, they reportedly acted in a disrespectful manner. See Collected Works, VI, 434; Joseph E. Segar to Lincoln, September 6, September 7, 1863; Robert C. Schenck to Lincoln, September 8, 1863; and Henry Z. Hayner to Lincoln, September 10, 1863.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, Sep 1, 1863.

My dear Sir:

I am now informed, contrary to my impression when I last talked with you, that the order compelling the four hundred on Eastern Shore of Virginia to take the oath or be sent away, is about being carried into execution. As this, and also the assessment for damage done to, and at the light house, are very strong measures, and as I have to bear the responsibility of them, I wish them suspended till I can at least be better satisfied of their propriety than I now am,

Yours truly

A. Lincoln,

Abraham Lincoln, Draft of Gettysburg Address, Nicolay Copy1, [November 1863]

1 President Lincoln was invited to attend the dedication of a military cemetery in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, the site of a decisive Union victory in July 1863. The main address had already been assigned to a famous orator, Edward Everett of Massachusetts. In his letter of invitation, the ceremony's organizer, David Wills, told the President: “It is the desire that, after the Oration, You, as Chief Executive of the Nation, formally set apart these grounds to their Sacred use by a few appropriate remarks” (David Wills to Abraham Lincoln, Nov.2, 1863). The speech was widely admired at the time and would become perhaps the best known of all Lincoln's writings. Edward Everett wrote Lincoln the next day: “I should be glad, if I could flatter myself that I came as near to the central idea of the occasion, in two hours, as you did in two minutes” (Everett to Lincoln, November 20, 1863).

There are five known drafts of the Gettysburg Address in Lincoln's hand. Three were definitely written out for persons requesting them after the address had been delivered. Of the remaining two, one of these may have been written out after the fact, but at least one was drafted before delivery on November 19, 1863. This is the one presented here, referred to as the Nicolay copy, because it belonged to his secretary, John G. Nicolay. Although Nicolay believed that this was the copy Lincoln held in his hand and appeared to read from at the Gettysburg cemetery dedication, he himself recognized that what Lincoln actually said on that occasion differed significantly from the text of this document. (See John G. Nicolay, “Lincoln's Gettysburg Address,” Century, XLVII (February 1894), 596-608.) Nicolay believed that the first page, on Executive Mansion stationery, was the first page of the incomplete draft that Lincoln brought with him to Gettysburg, and that the second page, whose text is in pencil, was composed just before the speech was delivered in Pennsylvania. While the text of the first page suggests that it belongs to a preliminary draft, the awkward juncture with the text of the second page constitutes a strong reason to doubt that the two leaves belong to the same draft. (See Garry Wills, Lincoln at Gettysburg (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), 193-94.) Like the other manuscript of the address thought by some to be a preliminary draft, the Hay copy (q. v.), this draft conspicuously lacks the phrase “under God,” which Lincoln was heard by reporters to say at the event, and which he included in the three copies made afterwards. For a full discussion of the five extant manuscripts of this famous address, see Long Remembered: Facsimiles of the five versions of the Gettysburg Address in the handwriting of Abraham Lincoln (Washington: Library of Congress, 1963).

[Page one]

Executive Mansion,

Washington, , 186 .

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth, upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that “all men are created equal”

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived, and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of it, as a final resting place for those who died here, that the nation might live. This we may, in all propriety do. But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate — we can not consecrate — we can not hallow, this ground— The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have hallowed it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here; while it can never forget what they did here.

It is rather for us, the living, to stand here, we here be dedica-2

2 This partial sentence comes at the end of the first page of the manuscript. In striking “to stand here,” and substituting the awkward “we here be dedica-,” Lincoln may have been attempting both to cancel abandoned language and to form a bridge to an already completed second page of another draft that began in the middle of the word “dedicated.” This would explain the perhaps inadvertent dropping of the second part of a sentence that, in its latest form would read: “It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.”

[Page 2]

ted to the great task remaining before us — that, from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they here, gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve these dead shall not have died in vain; that the nation, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people by the people for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

Abraham Lincoln, Draft of Gettysburg Address, Hay Copy1, [November 1863]

1 President Lincoln was invited to attend the dedication of a military cemetery in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, the site of a decisive Union victory in July 1863. The main address had already been assigned to a famous orator, Edward Everett of Massachusetts. In his letter of invitation, the ceremony's organizer, David Wills, told the President: “It is the desire that, after the Oration, You, as Chief Executive of the Nation, formally set apart these grounds to their Sacred use by a few appropriate remarks” (David Wills to Abraham Lincoln, Nov.2, 1863). The speech was widely admired at the time and would become perhaps the best known of all Lincoln's writings. Edward Everett wrote Lincoln the next day: “I should be glad, if I could flatter myself that I came as near to the central idea of the occasion, in two hours, as you did in two minutes” (Everett to Lincoln, November 20, 1863).

There are five known drafts of the Gettysburg Address in Lincoln's hand. Three were definitely written out for persons requesting copies after the address had been delivered. Of the remaining two, at least one seems clearly to have been drafted before delivery on November 19, 1863. The other one, presented here, is referred to as the Hay copy, because it was given by Lincoln to his secretary, John Hay. There is strong evidence, including the tradition in Hay's family, that this manuscript was copied out for Hay at his request after the speech had been delivered. The changes appear much more in the nature of corrections of copying errors than compositional changes. (See Garry Wills, Lincoln at Gettysburg (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992),199-201.) But this copy, like the Nicolay copy (q. v.), lacks the important phrase “under God,” which Lincoln was heard by reporters to say at the event, and which he included in the three copies he is known to have made afterwards. The absence of this phrase works to undermine the belief that it too was copied out later. For a full discussion of the five extant manuscripts of this famous address, see Long Remembered: Facsimiles of the five versions of theGettysburg Address in the handwriting of Abraham Lincoln (Washington: Library of Congress, 1963).

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth, upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation, so conceived, and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met here on a great battle-field of that war. We are met have come to dedicate a portion of it as the a final resting place of for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But in a larger sense we can not dedicate — we can not consecrate — we can not hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they have, thus far, so nobly carried on. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — — that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to the that cause for which they here gave gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this nation shall have a new birth of freedom; and that this government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

From Edwin M. Stanton to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1, December 12, 1863

1 General John M. Palmer had offered his resignation in October in the mistaken belief that the dissolution of the corps in which he served was a personal censure.

Washington City.

Dec 12 1863

Mr President

Will you please to inform me whether General Palmers resignation was accepted by your direction.

Yours truly

Edwin M Stanton

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

Gen Palmer's resignation was not accepted by me— You remember I promised to write him on the subject which however I have neglected to do I do not want him to resign, unless there be some reason not yet known to me

A. Lincoln

Decr 12, 1863

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton1, December 18, 1863

1 General John M. Schofield had been a controversial figure in Missouri politics almost since his appointment to command the Department of the Missouri, identified as he tended to be with the state's conservative Governor Hamilton R. Gamble. He was a target of Missouri's radical Unionists, for whom perhaps the last straw, and for Lincoln, was Schofield's apparent opposition to the election of Benjamin Gratz Brown to the United States Senate, and to the calling of a convention to amend the state's constitution. Lincoln's eventual solution was to replace Schofield with William S. Rosecrans, and to give Schofield a field command with the rank of major general. On February 9, 1864 Schofield was named commander of the Department of the Ohio. There are many letters in this collection that deal with Schofield's problems with Missouri's Radicals. See also Michael Burlingame and John R. Turner Ettlinger, eds., Inside Lincoln's White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1997), 127.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, Dec. 18. 1863.

My dear Sir

I believe Gen. Schofield must be relieved from command of the Department of Missouri, otherwise a question of veracity, in relation to his declarations as to his interfering, or not, with the Missouri Legislature, will be made with him, which will not create an additional amount of trouble, not to be overcome by even a correct decision of the question— The question itself must be avoided. Now for the mode— Senator Henderson,2 his friend, thinks he can be induced to ask to be relieved, if he shall understand he will be generously treated; and, on this latter point, Gratz Brown3 will help his nomination, as a Major General, through the Senate. In no other way can he be comfirmed; and upon his rejection alone, it would be difficult for me to sustain him as Commander of the Department. Besides, his being relieved from command of the Department, and at the same time confirmed as a Major General, will be the means of Henderson and Brown leading off together as friends, and will go far to heal

2 John B. Henderson

3 Benjamin Gratz Brown

From Abraham Lincoln to Ethan A. Hitchcock [Copy in a Secretarial Hand]1, January 10, 1864

1 The exchange of prisoners authorized in this letter seems not to have been consummated. Major Harry White of the 67th Pennsylvania Infantry and a member of the Pennsylvania Senate, was not exchanged until late September of 1864, and Confederate General Isaac R. Trimble remained confined until the end of the war. See Collected Works, VII, 120.

Executive Mansion,

Washington City,

January 10th 1864.

Major General Hitchcock, Commissioner of Exchanges, is authorized and directed to offer Brigadier General Trimble, now a prisoner of war in Fort McHenry, in exchange for Major White, who is held as a prisoner at Richmond. He is also directed to send forward the offer of exchange by Henry M. Warfield, Esq. of Baltimore, under a flag of truce, and give him a pass to City Point—

Abraham Lincoln2

2 Signed by Lincoln.

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton1, February 11, 1864

1 Edward R. Ames, a bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church, had received authority from the War Department to take charge of Methodist churches in the South that did not have loyal pastors appointed by loyal bishops. Lincoln was embarrassed when he learned of this order, because it tended to contradict his position that the government should not interfere with the running of churches. Further explanation of the order revealed that it did not apply to churches in loyal states, of which Missouri was one. See Collected Works, VII, 179-80n, Mordecai J.W. Ambrose to Lincoln, February 2, 1864, Abraham Lincoln, Endorsement to John Hogan, February 13, 1864, and Hogan to Lincoln, February 13, 1864.

A copy of this letter is elsewhere in this collection.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, Feb. 11, 1864.

My dear Sir

In January 1863, the Provost-Marshal at St. Louis, having taken the control of a certain church from one set of men and given it to another, I wrote Gen. Curtis on the subject, as follows:

“the U. S. Government must not, as by this order, undertake to run the churches. When an individual, in a church or out of it, becomes dangerous to the public interest, he must be checked; but the churches, as such, must take care of themselves. It will not do for the U. S. to appoint trustees, Supervisors, or other agents for the churches.”2

2 See Lincoln to Samuel R. Curtis, January 2, 1863. For further context for the immediate issue in St. Louis, see also Franklin A. Dick to Montgomery Blair, December 19, 1862.

Some trouble remaining in this same case, I, on the 22nd of Dec. 1863, in a letter to Mr. O. D. Filley,3 repeated the above language; and, among other things, added “I have never interfered, nor thought of interfering as to who shall or shall not preach in any church; nor have I knowingly, or believingly, tolerated any one else to so interfere by my authority. If any one is so interfering by color of my authority, I would like to have it specifically made known to me — + + + + + + I will not have control of any church on any side.”

3 A draft of this letter is in this collection.

After having made these declarations in good faith, and in writing, you can conceive of my embarrassment at now having brought to me what purports to be a formal order of the War Department, bearing date Nov. 30th 1863, giving Bishop Ames4 control and possession of all the Methodist churches in certain Southern Military Departments, whose pastors have not been appointed by a loyal Bishop or Bishops, and ordering the military to aid him against any resistance which may be made to his taking such possession and control— What is to be done about it?

4 Bishop Edward R. Ames of the Methodist Church.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Copy]1, February 27, 1864

1 After the New York draft riots of July 13-16, 1863, New York Governor Horatio Seymour requested a suspension of the draft in New York, arguing that the draft as administered in New York and Brooklyn was discriminatory and unfair. He also called into question the constitutionality of the draft law. (See two letters same date, Seymour to Lincoln, August 3, 1864.) Correspondence continued between Lincoln and Seymour over this issue throughout August of 1863, much of which is in this collection. Lincoln painstakingly worked with Seymour, striving to insure equity in the administration of the draft without compromising the Army's manpower requirements. The commission referred to below was a by-product of this issue.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, Feb. 27, 1864.

Sir

You ask some instructions from me in relation to the Report of Special Commission, constituted by an order of the War Department, dated Dec. 5 1863. “to revise the enrolment & quotas of the City & State of New-York, & report whether there be any & what errors, or irregularities therein, and what corrections, if any should be made.”2 The aspect of the case, as presented by this order and report, is entirely new to me, I having personally known nothing of the order, commission, or report, until now presented for my consideration— In the correspondence between the Governor of New-York and myself last summer, I understood him to complain that the enrolments in several of the Districts of that State had been neither accurately nor honestly made; and, in view of this I for the draft then immediately ensuing ordered an arbitrary reduction of the quotas in several of the Districts, wherein they seemed too large, for the draft then immediately ensuing, and said “After this drawing these four Districts and also the seventeenth and twentyninth shall be carefully re-enrolled, and, if you please, agents of yours may witness every step of the process”3 In a subsequent letter I believe some additional Districts were added to put into the list of those to be re-enrolled—4 My idea was to do the work over, according to the law, in presence of the complaining party, and thereby to correct anything which might be found amiss— The Commission, whose work I am considering, seem to have proceeded upon a totally different idea. Not going forth to find men at all, they have proceeded altogether upon paper examinations and mental processes. One of their conclusions, as I understand is, that as the law stands, and attempting to follow it, the enrolling officers could not have made the enrolments much more accurately than they did. The report, on this point, might be useful to Congress. The Commission conclude that the quotas for the draft should be based upon entire population, and they proceed upon this basis to give a table for the State of New-York, in which some districts are reduced, and some increased. For the now ensuing draft, let the quotas stand as made by the enrolling officers, in the Districts wherin this table requires them to be increased; and let them be reduced according to the table, in the others. This to be no precedent for subsequent action; but as I think this report may, on full consideration, be shown to have much that is valuable in it, I suggest that such consideration be given it; and that it be especially considered whether its suggestions can be conformed to without an alteration of the law.Yours truly

2 This request from Stanton has not been found.

3 See Lincoln to Seymour, August 7, 1863.

4 See Lincoln to Seymour, August 11, 1863.

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Copy]1, March 1, 1864

1 This is Lincoln's second letter to Stanton having to do with Private Isaac P. Baird. Baird was discharged from arrest after Lincoln's order and allowed to serve with the 183rd Pennsylvania Volunteers until after the end of the war. See Collected Works, VI, 384, VII, 217n.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, March 1, 1864.

My dear Sir:

A poor widow, by the name of Baird, has a son in the Army, that for some offence has been sentenced to serve a long time without pay, or at most, with very little pay— I do not like this punishment of withholding pay — it falls so very hard upon poor families— After he has been serving in this way for several months, at the tearful appeal of the poor mother, I made a direction that he be allowed to enlist for a new term, on the same conditions as others— She now comes, and says she can not get it acted upon. Please do it.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton1, March 7, 1864

1 General Birney's date of nomination was indeed revised, but for him to take rank from May 20, 1863, rather than from May 3 as requested. See Collected Works, VII, 230n.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, March 7, 1864.

My dear Sir:

It is represented to me that General David B. Birney, who is nominated for a Major General to take rank from June 22nd 1863, is really entitled if at all, to take rank from May 3. 1863, for meritorious conduct at Chancellorsville— It is also represented that to make the desired change will not give Gen. Birney rank over any one who now ranks him. I shall be glad to withdraw his present nomination and make the change, if the above is a true and a full statement of the facts.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Photostat]1, March 18, 1864

1 Lincoln first drafted a much longer version of this letter, containing references to specific cases (q. v.), but he actually sent to Stanton only the portion that follows, which is the first paragraph of the earlier draft. Lincoln's diffident way of characterizing these cases indicates his awareness of how much more severely than himself Secretary of Stanton tended to view the nature of the offenses and the punishments involved. Deciding to forego his arguments and justifications for taking a more lenient view, Lincoln turned his letter into a plea for Stanton's cooperation in the difficult decisions Lincoln was obliged to make in releasing certain prisoners of war. Stanton cheerfully agreed (see Stanton to Lincoln, March 19, 1864).

Executive Mansion,

Washington, March 18. 1864.

My dear Sir;

I am so pressed in regard to prisoners of war in our custody, whose homes are within our lines, and who wish to not be exchanged, but to take the oath and be discharged, that I hope you will pardon me for again calling up the subject. My impression is that we will not ever force the exchange of any of this class; that taking the oath, and being discharged, none of them will again go to the rebellion, but the rebellion again coming to them, a considerable per centage of them, probably not a majority, would rejoin it; that by a cautious discrimination the number so discharged would not be large enough to do any considerable mischief in any event; would not relieve distress in, at least some meritorious cases; and would give me some relief from an intolerable pressure. I shall be glad therefore to have your cheerful assent to the discharge of those whose names I may send, which I will only do with circumspection.

Yours truly

A Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to William Windom1, March 30, 1864

1 Congressman William Windom of Minnesota was chairman of the House Committee on Indian Affairs, and Episcopal Bishop Henry Whipple of Minnesota was greatly concerned about Indians in his state.

Hon. Mr. Windom, please see & hear Rev. Bishop Whipple, about Indians. He has much information on the subject.

A. Lincoln

March 30. 1864

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton1, April 22, 1864

1 Democratic Congressman Bradley F. Granger had represented a Michigan district.

Hon. Sec. of War, please see & hear Hon. Mr. Granger, of the last House of Representatives.

A. Lincoln

April 22, 1864

From Abraham Lincoln to James R. Fry [Copy in John Hay's Hand]1, April 30, 1864

1 Lincoln responds to a letter from Fry on April 26, 1864 (q. v.), in which the writer advised Lincoln to expect a formal invitation to the musical program inaugurating a sanitary fair at Philadelphia on May 4. As was anticipated, Lincoln was unable to attend the event. A draft of this letter is elsewhere in this collection.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, April 30, 1864.

My Dear Sir

I thank you heartily for the kind invitation conveyed in your letter of the 25th April, and sincerely regret that I cannot make a positive engagement to avail myself of it. My time is subject to such constant and unexpected requisitions that I cannot unreservedly accept any such pleasure as that you offer me, at this distance of time.

I shall be most happy to be present at an entertainment which promises so much, especially as it is in aid of so beneficent a charity as that in which you are interested, if my engagements next week will allow it. But I must beg that you will make no special arrangements in view of my presence, as I may be disappointed. If I can come, I will notify you as early as possible.

I am very truly yours

A. Lincoln2

2 Signed by Lincoln.

Salmon P. Chase, Printed Trade Regulations [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1, May 20, 1864

1 Lincoln here makes a handwritten amendment to the a copy of the Treasury Department's publication entitled Additional Regulations Concerning Commercial Intercourse With and In States Declared in Insurrection. The regulation that Lincoln amends reads as follows: “LVI. The foregoing regulations, numbered LII, LIII, LIV, LV, shall take effect and be in force within the lines of the several military departments in the insurrectionary States, whenever the Generals commanding said departments shall, respectively, under authority from the President, and by proper orders promulgate the same.”

No person engaged in trade, and proceeding in strict accordance with the publishe[d] Regulations of the Treasury Department upon that subjec[t] and promulgated according to the Regulation numbered LVI, and being the last on pag[e] 6. to the left opposite this, shall be hindered or delayed therein, by the Army or Navy, or any person or persons connected therewith.

A. Lincoln

May 20, 1864

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton1, August 22, 1864

1 Lieutenant Colonel James N. McElroy of the 60th Ohio Infantry resigned his appointment with that regiment early in August, and in September was made major and judge advocate. For the letter from General Grant, see Collected Works, VII, 513.

Hon. Sec. of War please see & hear the bearer Lt. Col. McElroy whose letter from Gen. Grant I sent over to-day,

A. Lincoln

Aug. 22. 1864

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Copy]1, August 22, 1864

1 The following pertains to the case of Joseph Howard, Jr., a newspaper reporter who was responsible for fabricating a spurious presidential proclamation that two New York papers published in May 1864. Lincoln responded by suppressing both newspapers and ordering the arrest of the editors, publishers and proprietors of the papers. After the circumstances were explained, Lincoln lifted the suppression and released everyone except Howard and his confederate, Francis Mallison. Henry Ward Beecher, of whose church Howard was a member, undertook to intercede in Howard's behalf. See Beecher to John D. Defrees, August 2, 1864.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, Aug. 22, 1864.

My dear Sir

I very much wish to oblige Henry Ward Beecher, by releasing Howard; but I wish you to be satisfied when it is done— What say you?

Yours truly

A. Lincoln.

[Endorsed by Stanton:]

I have no objection if you think it right — and this a proper time.

EMS

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

Let Howard, imprisoned in regard to the bogus proclamation, be discharged,

A. Lincol[n]

August 23. 1864

Abraham Lincoln, Memorandum on Probable Failure of Re-Election1, August 23, 1864

1 A summer of costly military stalemate and widespread disaffection among War Democrats and conservative Republicans with the administration's policies toward slavery persuaded Lincoln that he would probably be defeated in the 1864 presidential election. Perhaps to bear witness to his determination to save the Union even if defeated, he wrote out this memorandum, indicating his fear that General McClellan, if elected, would be forced by members of his party to seek an armistice with the Confederacy. Such an armistice could be tantamount to recognition of Confederate independence. Lincoln's memorandum, which he asked the members of his cabinet to sign as witnesses without reading, amounts to a pledge to work in concert with McClellan before the latter's inauguration.

Another copy of this document in John Hay's hand is in this collection.

Executive Mansion

Washington, Aug 23, 1864.

This morning, as for some days past, it seems exceedingly probable that this Administration will not be re-elected. Then it will be my duty to so co-operate with the President elect, as to save the Union between the election and the inauguration; as he will have secured his election on such ground that he can not possibly save it afterwards.

A. Lincoln

[Endorsed on Reverse:]

William H Seward

W. P. Fessenden

Edwin M Stanton

Gideon Welles

Edwd. Bates

M Blair

J. P. Usher

August 23. 1864.2

2 The date is in Lincoln's hand.

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Copy]1, August 27, 1864

1 After General Grant declared a total lack of confidence in General Franz Sigel, the latter was relieved of command on July 7, 1864. See Collected Works, VII, 521.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, Aug. 27, 1864.

My dear Sir:

If Gen. Sigel has asked for an Inquiry, let him have it, if there is not some insurmountable, or at least, very serious obstacle— He is fairly entitled to this consideration.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Copy]1, October 31, 1864

1 The letter from Governor Curtin referred to here has not been found.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, Oct 31, 1864.

Sir:

Herewith is a letter of Gov. Curtin which speaks for itself— I suggest, for your consideration, whether, to the extent of, say, five thousand, we might not exempt from the draft, upon the men being put in good shape to defend & give assurance to the border. I have not said even this much to the bearer, Gen. Todd,2 whom I hope you will see & hear.

2 This is possibly a reference to Lemuel Todd, formerly of the 30th Pennsylvania Volunteers. See Collected Works, VIII, 84-85.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Lydia Bixby1, November 21, 1864

1 There is no handwritten copy of this famous letter known, either in this collection or elsewhere. The only source for its text is a newspaper account in the Boston Transcript for November 25, 1864. The document at hand appears to be a photographic copy of the notice in the Transcript. At the request of Massachusetts Governor John A. Andrew, a letter was sent over the president's signature to a Boston widow, Mrs. Lydia Bixby, who was reported to be the mother of five sons killed fighting for the Union. In spite of the fact that it has long been known that Mrs. Bixby was probably a Confederate sympathizer and that only two of her sons had actually been killed, the letter is among the most admired of all writings ascribed to Lincoln.

Questions about its authenticity have centered on stories that this was one of the many letters that John Hay, Lincoln's secretary, had written for Lincoln's signature. Accounts began to surface in the early 20th century that Hay had privately admitted his authorship of the Bixby letter. It has recently been shown that Hay kept clippings of the letter in his literary scrapbooks, and that his writings betray a fondness for words that were not in Lincoln's vocabulary. Two of the words in the letter's most famous passages, for example — “beguile” and “assuage” — do not appear in any of Lincoln's other writings.

For a full statement of the case for Hay's authorship, see Michael Burlingame, “The Authorship of the Bixby Letter,” in Michael Burlingame, ed., At Lincoln's Side: John Hay's Civil War Correspondence and Selected Writings, (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 2000), 169-84.

Executive Mansion,}

Washington, Nov. 21, 1864. }

Dear Madam, — I have been shown in the files of the War Department a statement of the Adjutant General of Massachusetts, that you are the mother of five sons who have died gloriously on the field of battle.

I feel how weak and fruitless must be any words of mine which should attempt to beguile you from the grief of a loss so overwhelming. But I cannot refrain from tendering to you the consolation that may be found in the thanks of the Republic they died to save.

I pray that our Heavenly Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement, and leave you only the cherished memory of the loved and lost, and the solemn pride that must be yours, to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of Freedom.

Yours, very sincerely and respectfully,

A. LINCOLN.

From Abraham Lincoln to Charles A. Dana1, December 1, 1864

1 Charles A. Dana was assistant secretary of war. Headley has not been further identified.

Will Mr. Dana, Asst Sec. of War, please see and hear, Hon. S. F. Headley, of New-Jersey.

A. Lincoln

Dec. 1. 1864

Abraham Lincoln, Fragment of Message to Congress1, [December 1864]

1 The text of this document is correctly identified by John D. Defrees's endorsement as belonging to Lincoln's last annual message to Congress. See Collected Works, VIII, 152. The manuscript of this December 6, 1864 message is not in this collection, but the fragment may either be part of it or may belong to another memorandum. Its themes — that Lincoln would not re-enslave any freed person and that the war would end when the South ceased fighting — are present in other documents, such as the previous annual message and the unsent letter to Charles D. Robinson of August 1864 (q. v.

If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it an Executive duty to re-enslave such persons, another, and not I, must be their instrument to perform it.

In stating a single condition of peace, I mean simply to say that the war will cease on the part of the goverment, whenever it shall have ceased on the part of those who began it.

[Endorsed on Reverse Side by John D. Defrees:]

I hereby certify that this is a portion of the last message of Abraham Lincoln, in his own hand writing.

Jno. D. Defrees.

Supt. of Pub. Printing

Washington, DC. April 19. 1866

From Abraham Lincoln to William T. Sherman1, December 26, 1864

1 This is Lincoln's exultant reply to Sherman's telegram of December 22 (q. v.), presenting to Lincoln the city of Savannah as a Christmas gift. Another copy of this letter is in this collection.

Executive Mansion,

Washington, Dec. 26, 1864.

My dear General Sherman.

Many, many thanks for your Christmas-gift — the capture of Savannah.

When you were about leaving Atlanta for the Atlantic coast, I was anxious, if not fearful; but feeling that you were the better judge, and remembering that “nothing risked, nothing gained” I did not interfere. Now, the undertaking being a success, the honor is all yours; for I believe none of us went farther than to acquiesce. And, taking the work of Gen. Thomas into the count, as it should be taken, it is indeed a great success.2 Not only does it afford the obvious and immediate military advantages; but, in showing to the world that your army could be divided, putting the stronger part to an important new service, and yet leaving enough to vanquish the old opposing force of the whole — Hood's army — it brings those who sat in darkness to see a great light. But what next? I suppose it will be safer if I leave Gen. Grant and yourself to decide.

2 In an effort to isolate General Sherman after his capture of Atlanta and to force him to abandon that city, Confederate General John Bell Hood invaded Tennessee in mid-November, 1864. General George H. Thomas repelled an attack at Franklin, Tennessee on November 30, 1864, and routed Hood's troops at Nashville on December 15-16, inflicting the worst defeat on an army in the entire Civil War.

Please make my grateful acknowledgments to your whole army, officers and men.

Yours very truly

A. Lincoln.

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Copy]1, January 19, 1865

1 No reply from Stanton to Lincoln's request is known to exist.

Executive Mansion.

Washington, Jan. 19, 1865.

Dear Sir—

You remember that from time to time appeals have been made to us by persons claiming to have attempted to come through our lines with their effects to take the benefit of the Amnesty proclamation, and to have been despoiled of their effects under Gen. Butler's recommendation administration. Some of these claims have color of merit, and may be really meritorious— Please consider whether we can not set on foot an investigation, which may advance justice in the premises.

Yours truly

A Lincoln

Jan. 19. 1865.

Congress, Joint Resolution1, February 1, 1865

1 This is a copy of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which abolished slavery in the United States, signed by members of the House and Senate. The amendment had passed the Senate in April of 1864, and the House by the necessary two thirds vote, on January 31, 1865. Though he was not required to do so, Lincoln also signed the joint resolution. The amendment then required ratification by three fourths of the states, with Illinois, to Lincoln's gratification, the first to do so.

Thirty-Eighth Congress of the United States.

A Resolution; Submitting to the Legislatures of the several States a proposition to amend the Constitution of the United States.

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both Houses concurring,) That the following article be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as an Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part of the said Constitution, namely;

ARTICLE XIII.

Section 1. Neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime; whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.

Section 2, Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

Schuyler Colfax Speaker of the House of Representatives

H. Hamlin Vice President of the United States

and President of the Senate

Approved, February 1. 1865.

[Signed by Lincoln:]

Abraham Lincoln

Attest: J. W. Forney

Secretary of the Senate

Edwd McPherson

Clerk of the House of Representatives

In the Senate, April 8, 1864.

[Followed by 58 Signatures]

In the House of Representatives, January 31, 1865

[Followed by 120 Signatures]

Abraham Lincoln, Second Inaugural Address1, [March 4, 1865]

1 The only known manuscript of Lincoln's famous Second Inaugural Address, this document appears to be a fair copy, rather than a composition draft. Its large lettering and well-spaced lines suggest it was copied out fair as a reading copy. This is confirmed by the revision he made to the address's ending, which could have been effected by inserting additional words between the lines. Instead, he made the revision by pasting a slip of paper, or tab, over the last two lines of his text and writing the revised version on the tab.

At some point it was decided to make printed copies available to the press. The name written in pencil in the top margin of the first page of the manuscript, “Flynn,” is almost certainly that of the typesetter assigned by the printer to set the manuscript into type. After proofreading the galleys of what would become a three-page printed handout for the press, Lincoln seems to have retained a set of uncorrected galleys and fashioned this into his reading copy. He did this by cutting the printed galleys up into smaller segments (mostly consisting of one sentence), arranging them into two columns, and pasting them onto a larger sheet. The text of this reading copy shows two verbal changes, which are present also in the manuscript copy, and many punctuation changes, which are not. This is presumably the text that Lincoln read from at the inaugural ceremony at the Capitol on March 4, 1865.

For more details on the manuscript, the three-page printed press handout, and the reading copy, see David C. Mearns and Lloyd A. Dunlap, Library of Congress Press Release, Feb. 8, 1965. Both manuscript and reading copy were presented by the president to John Hay and were in turn presented by his family to the Library of Congress in 1916.

The text of the manuscript is followed by that of the reading copy.

[Manuscript copy]

Fellow Countrymen2

2 In pencil, possibly in another hand.

At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention, and engrosses the enerergies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil-war. All dreaded it — all sought to avert it. While the inaugeral address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war — seeking to dissole the Union, and divide effects, by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came.

One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern half part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war, the magnitude, or the duration, which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. “Woe unto the world because of offences! for it must needs be that offences come; but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh!” If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those offences which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South, this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a Living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope — fervently do we pray — that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue, until all the wealth piled by the bond-man’s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said f[our] three thousand years ago, so still it must be said “the judgments of the Lord, are true and righteous altogether”

With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan — to achieve and cherish a lasting peace among ourselves and with the world. to do all which may achieve and cherish a just, and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with the world. all nations.3

3 Lincoln revised his text by covering the last two lines (“to achieve . . .the world.”) with a tab, on which he wrote the revised ending (“to do all . . . the world.”). A further change was made on the tab itself by striking “the world” and substituting “all nations.”

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

Original manuscript4 of second Inaugeral presented to Major John Hay.

4 Lincoln's characterization of this document as the “original manuscript” must be regarded with some latitude, as the manuscript gives every evidence of being a fair copy, made from an earlier composition draft. It is undoubtedly the manuscript from which the printed reading copy was set.

A. Lincoln

April 10, 1865

[Printed Reading Copy]5

5 Whether Lincoln planned to have his manuscript set up in print to read from, or decided to take advantage of the advance printing for the press handout, is not known. Comparison with the press handout shows this reading copy to be an uncorrected galley proof in which the printer had already made a number of minor changes in spelling, capitalization, and punctuation, many of which Lincoln accepted. The additional punctuation, particularly the commas added at this late stage, probably reflects Lincoln's characteristic concern for the most effective pace and delivery.

A list of all changes appears at the end of the text.

FELLOW COUNTRYMEN: At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then, a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth, on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention, and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it — all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war — seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came.

One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern half part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar, and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate and extend this interest, was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more, than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war, the magnitude, or the duration, which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered — that of neither, has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. “ Woe unto the world because of offences! for it must needs be that offences come; but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh.” If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offences which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove; and that He gives to both north and south this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope — fervently do we pray — that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, “the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.”

With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan — to do all which may achieve and cherish, a just and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with the world. all nations.6

6 Lincoln made a great many changes on this galley proof, many of which do not appear in the three-page press handout. This suggests that Lincoln made most of these changes after he had made corrections on another set of corrected galleys sent to the printer. Differences between this text and that of the holograph manuscript are of two types: A. Changes made by Lincoln to his own manuscript text. B. Changes made by the printer, some of which were accepted and some rejected by Lincoln. A list of the changes in each category follows:

A. Changes made here by Lincoln to his manuscript text:

Word changes: “half” changed to “part”; “the world” changed to “all nations” (these changes were also made in the manuscript). Commas added after “called forth”; “peculiar”; “this interest”; “to do more”; “that of neither”; “cherish”. Semi-colon substituted for comma after “wills to remove”.

B. Changes made by the printer:

Accepted by Lincoln: comma added after “Then”; “civil war” for manuscript's “civil-war”; “energies” for the manuscript's “enerergies”;“inaugural” for the manuscript's “inaugeral”; “dissolve” for the manuscript's “dissole”; “One-eighth” for manuscript's “One eighth”; comma deleted after “perpetuate”; comma added after “judge not”; dash after “answered” (substituted for Lincoln's semi-colon); period after “cometh” (substituted for Lincoln's exclamation point); initial capitals changed to lower case in “southern”, “slavery”, “north”, “south”, and “living”; comma after “north and south” deleted; comma after “continue” deleted; “bondman's” for manuscript's “bond-man's”; comma added after “must be said”; comma after “Lord” deleted; period added after “altogether”; comma after “cherish a just” deleted.

Rejected by Lincoln:

Comma deleted after “attention” restored by Lincoln; comma substituted for semi-colon after “even by war” changed back to semi-colon by Lincoln; comma deleted after “for the war” restored by Lincoln; comma deleted after “magnitude” restored by Lincoln; comma deleted after “duration” restored by Lincoln; comma deleted after “triumph” restored by Lincoln; comma deleted after “Bible” restored by Lincoln; semi-colon changed to comma after “same God” restored by Lincoln; comma deleted after “lash” restored by Lincoln; comma deleted after “lasting peace” restored by Lincoln.

Abraham Lincoln, Message to Senate [Draft]1, [March 11, 1865]

1 This confusing nomination and renomination process is far from clear, and it came to naught, as Herrick's appointment was not confirmed. See Collected Works, VIII, 350-51.

I ask to withdraw the nomination of Hugh M. Herrick,2 as Assessor of Internal Revenue for the 9th Collection District of New-York, in place of Homer Franklin; and to substitute therefor a nomination for of said Herrick for said office, to take effect March 20th 1865.

2 First name and middle initial are not in Lincoln's hand.

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton [Copy]1, March 25, 1865

1 General Grant had invited Lincoln to visit his headquarters at City Point, Virginia, saying “I would like very much to see you and I think the rest would do you good.” Lincoln replied immediately in the affirmative, drawn too by the presence with Grant of Captain Robert Todd Lincoln. While on this visit Lincoln remained constantly in contact with Washington, especially with Secretary of War Stanton. See Grant to Lincoln, March 20, 1865, and Collected Works, VIII, 367.

City Point, Va

March 25, 1865. 830 A. M.

Arrived here, all safe about 9 P. M. yesterday— No war news— Gen. Grant does not seem to know very much about Yeatman,2 but thinks very well of him so far as he does know.

2 James E. Yeatman was being considered for appointment as head of the Freedmen's Bureau.

I like Mr Whiting3 very much, and hence would wish him to remain or resign as best suits himself— Hearing this much from me, do as you think best in the matter— Gen- Lee has sent the Russell4 letter back, concluding, as I understand from Grant, that their dignity does not admit of their receiving the document from us— Robert5 just now tells me there was a little rumpus up the line this morning ending about where it began

3 William Whiting, solicitor of the War Department, had submitted his resignation. See Stanton to Lincoln, March 25, 1865.

4 General Lee had refused to receive a communication to the Confederate States from British Foreign Secretary Lord John Russell.

5 Robert Todd Lincoln

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton1, March 27, 1865

1 General Grant had invited Lincoln to visit his headquarters at City Point, Virginia, saying “I would like very much to see you and I think the rest would do you good.” Lincoln replied immediately in the affirmative, drawn too by the presence with Grant of Captain Robert Todd Lincoln. While on this visit Lincoln remained constantly in contact with Washington, especially with Secretary of War Stanton..

City Point, Va.

March 27- 1865. 3-35 PM.

Yours enclosing Fort-Sumpter order received—2 I think of but one suggestion— I feel quite confident that Sumpter fell on the thirteenth (13th) and not on the fourteenth (14th) of April as you have it— It fell on Saturday the 13th — the first call for troops on our part was got up on Sunday the 14th and given date, and issued on Monday the 15th. Look up the old Almanac & other data, and see if I am not right.

2 Plans were afoot to commemorate the evacuation of Fort Sumter, at the fort, four years after the event on April 14, 1865.

A. Lincoln

From Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton1, March 28, 1865

1 General Grant had invited Lincoln to visit his headquarters at City Point, Virginia, saying “I would like very much to see you and I think the rest would do you good.” Lincoln replied immediately in the affirmative, drawn too by the presence with Grant of Captain Robert Todd Lincoln. While on this visit Lincoln remained constantly in contact with Washington, especially with Secretary of War Stanton..

City Point, Va

March 28- 1865- 12. M.

After your explanation, I think it is little or no difference whether the Fort-Sumpter ceremony takes place on the 13th or 14th2

2 Both Lincoln and Stanton remembered the date of Fort Sumter's evacuation as April 13th, 1861, but Major Robert Anderson's report indicated that the fort was vacated the next day. See Stanton to Lincoln, March 26, 1865 (Third Same Date).

Gen- Sherman tells me he is well acquainted with James Yeatman,3 & that he thinks him almost the best man in the country for anything he will undertake—

3 James E. Yeatman was being considered for appointment as head of the Freedmen's Bureau.

A Lincoln—

Abraham Lincoln, Memorandum on Conditions for Peace1, [April 5, 1865]

1 Lincoln visited Richmond on April 4, 1865, both to see the Confederate capital and to expedite the peacemaking process. The next day he was met by Confederate Assistant Secretary of War John A. Campbell and Gustavus Myers, a prominent local attorney, to whom he is reported to have presented the following propositions on the basis of which peace might be restored. See Collected Works, VIII, 386-87.

As to peace, I have said before, and now repeat, that three things are indispensable.

1. The restoration of the national authority throughout all the States.

2. No receding by the Executive of the United States on the slavery question, from the position assumed thereon, in the late Annual Message to Congress, and in preceding documents.

3. No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the war, and the disbanding of all force hostile to the government.

That all propositions coming from those now in hostility to the government, and not inconsistent with the foregoing, will be respectfully considered, and passed upon in a spirit of sincere liberality.

I now add that it seems useless for me to be more specific with those who will not say they are ready for the indispensable terms, even on conditions to be named by themselves. If there be any who are ready for those indispensable terms, on any conditions whatever, let them say so, and state their conditions, so that such conditions can be distinctly known, and considered. It is further added that, the remission of confiscations being within the executive power, if the war be now further persisted in, by those opposing the government, the making of confiscated property at the least to bear the additional cost, will be insisted on; but that confiscations (except in cases of third party intervening interests) will be remitted to the people of any State which shall now promptly, and in good faith, withdraw it's troops and other support, from further resistence to the government.

What is now said as to remission of confiscations has no reference to supposed property in slaves.

From Abraham Lincoln to Godfrey Weitzel1, April 6, 1865

1 Lincoln visited Richmond on April 4, 1865, both to see the Confederate capital and to expedite the peacemaking process. The next day he was met by Confederate Assistant Secretary of War John A. Campbell and Gustavus Myers, a prominent local attorney, to whom he is reported to have presented a series of propositions on the basis of which peace might be restored. Those propositions involved the restoration of the national authority, the termination of slavery, and the complete cessation of hostilities and a disbanding of hostile forces. (See Lincoln, Memorandum on Conditions for Peace,[April 5, 1865].) Lincoln further broached the idea that the Confederate legislature of Virginia might convene, withdraw the state from the Confederacy, and call its soldiers home. Such a scheme would have contradicted Lincoln's own policy of non-recognition of the Confederacy and would have undermined the legitimacy of the loyal government of Virginia that had existed during the war. But the hope was that this tactic would bring about the collapse of the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia, whose leader was Virginian Robert E. Lee.

What follows is Lincoln's instruction to General Weitzel, in command at Richmond, should the Virginia legislature actually convene. On April 12, Lincoln wrote to cancel the invitation to assemble the Virginia legislature. See Collected Works, VIII, 406-07.

City Point, April 6, 1865

It has been intimated to me that the gentlemen who have acted as the Legislature of Virginia, in support of the rebellion, may now now desire to assemble at Richmond, and take measures to withdraw the Virginia troops, and other support from resistance to the General government. If they attempt it, give them permission and protection, until, if at all, they attempt some action hostile to the United States, in which case you will notify them and give them reasonable time to leave; & at the end of which time, arrest any who may remain. Allow Judge Campbell to see this, but do not make it public.

Yours &c.

A. Lincoln.

From Andrew Johnson to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1, April 12, 1865

1 Lincoln responds to the recommendation of his Vice President. A draft of Lincoln's Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction of December 8, 1863, is in this collection.

Washington City

April 12. 1865.

The release of the within named Prisoners of war is recommended, upon condition that they take the oath of Amnesty as prescribed in the President's Proclamation of 8th December 1863.

Andrew Johnson

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

Let these men be released on taking the oath of Dec. 8. 1863

A. Lincoln

Ap 14. 18652

2 The date may not be in Lincoln's hand.

From Abraham Lincoln to James Speed [Copy]1, April 13, 1865

1 Two years before, Kellogg had spurned Lincoln's appointment to be consul at Valparaiso, Chile, indicating that he considered himself worthy instead of a Federal judgeship. (See Kellogg to Lincoln, April 8, 1863.) Lincoln here obliges, though Kellogg's actual nomination (which was confirmed by the Senate) was made by President Andrew Johnson.

Washington, April 13, 1865

Dear Sir.

Send me a Commission for William Kellogg, to be Judge in Nebraska in place of W. P. Kellogg resigned.

Yours truly

A Lincoln

Abraham Lincoln, Card of Admission for George Ashmun1, April 14, 1865

1 Ashmun's endorsement explains this card's importance.

Allow Mr. Ashmun & friend to come in at 9—AM to-morrow

A. Lincoln

April 14. 1865.

[Endorsed by Ashmun on a Photograph of Lincoln:]

The above is the last autograph of President Lincoln. It was written & given to me at half past 8 P. M. April 14. 1865. just as he & Mrs Lincoln were starting for the Theatre where he was assassinated.

Geo: Ashmun

May 1. 1865.

From James S. Knox to _______ Knox, April 15, 1865

Washington D C

Apr. 15th 1865.

Dear Father.

It is with sad feelings that I take up my pen & address you. Last Friday night at 10 oclock, I witnessed the saddest tragedy ever enacted in this country. Not with standing my promise to you not to visit the theatre, I could not resist the temptation to see General Grant1 and the President, and when the curtain at Ford's rose on the play of Our American Cousin my room mate and I were seated on the second row of orchestra seats, just beneath the presidents box. The President entered the Theatre at 8 1/2 o'ck, amid deafening cheers and the rising of all, Everything was cheerful, and never was our magistrate more enthusiastically welcomed, or more happy— Many pleasant allusions were made to him in the play to which the Audience gave deafening responses, while Mr. Lincoln laughed heartily and bowed frequently to the gratified people— Just after the 3d Act, and before the scenes were shifted, a muffled pistol shot was heard, and a man sprang wildly from the national box, partially tearing down the flag, then shouting “‘sic semper tyrannis’, the south is avenged” with brandished dagger rushed across the stage and disappeared The whole theatre was paralyzed

1 It was originally advertised that General Grant would attend the theater with Lincoln on April 14. He and his wife, however, decided to travel to New Jersey to be with their children.

But two men sprang for the stage, a Mr Stewart & myself. Both of us were familiar with the play, and suspected the fearful tragedy We rushed after the murderer and Mr Stewart being familiar with the passages, reached the rear door, in time to see him spring on his horse and ride off— I became lost amid the scenery and was obliged to return. My roommate had followed me and secured the murderers hat. The shrill cry of murder from Mrs Lincoln first roused the horrified audience, and in an instant the uproar was terrible. The silence of death was broken by shouts of “kill him”, “hang him” and strong men wept, and cursed, and tore the seats in the impotence of their anger, while Mrs. Lincoln, on her knees uttered shriek after shriek at the feet of the dying President. Finally the theatre was clear and the President removed still greater was the excitement in the city. Rumors of the murder of Secy Seward and his son reached us as we gained the street—2 Mounted patrols dashed every where, bells tolled the alarm, and excited crowds rushed about the avenues. Despair was on every countenance, and black horror brooded over the city. Until long after midnight I was detained at Police Hd Qrs, giving my evidence, and when I sought my room, in a distant part of the city — dark clouds had gathered in the heavens, and soldiers sternly paced their patrol. May I never see another such night— I could not sleep. I could only think, till thought was weary, and in despair thought again. Yesterday morning the president died. At 8 1/2 ock, the kindest, noblest, truest heart ceased to beat, and Abraham Lincoln was dead. Let no man ever speak to me again of Southern Chivalry, or talk in sympathy with [trattors?]— The events of last night can never be forgotten and while there is strength in my arm, I never can, never will endure it— Nor stand I alone— The nation is aroused and terrible will be its vengeance. Treason, pardoned, forgiven, patiently dealt with by our president, viper like, has [stung?] the breast, that kindly treated it, and the traitor south, has slain its truest, noblest friend. Bitter, bitter will be the tears of repentance. But I cannot write of it— Andrew Johnson has been sworn, His speech was simple

2 An attempt was made on the life of Secretary Seward by one of John Wilkes Booth's accomplices. In the melee, Frederick Seward was seriously injured. Both men recovered.

“The duties now are mine, the results are God's” I trust he may perform his task faithfully, but oh, for the Confidence, and the hope that we had in Lincoln. Like a ship without a rudder is the nation tosssed. Outwardly are we quiet but in each heart, what terror misgiving and despair—

But I must cease— [Lolter?] & Will R — left here friday night. I presume by this time they are with you. From them you can learn of me, better than I can write. Love to all.

Your affec son.

Jas. S. Knox.

From Queen Victoria to Mary Todd Lincoln1, April 29, 1865

1 Victoria occupied the British throne from 1837 to 1901.

Osborne.

April 29 — 1865.

Dear Madam,

Though a stranger to you I cannot remain silent when so terrible a calamnity has fallen upon you & your country, & most personally express my deep & heartfelt sympathy with you under the shocking circumstances of your present dreadful misfortunes.

No one can better appreciate than I can, who am myself utterly broken-hearted by the loss of my own beloved Husband,2 who was the Light of my Life, — my Stay — my All,— What your sufferings must be; and I earnestly pray that you may be supported by Him to whom alone the sorely stricken can look for comfort, in this hour of heavy affliction.

2 Prince Albert, Victoria's husband of twenty-one years, died in 1861.

With the renewed expression of true sympathy,

I remain,

dear Madam,

Your Sincere

friend

Victorially

From Louis Philippe to Mary Todd Lincoln1, May 5, 1865

1 The Comte de Paris was the son of Louis Philippe, the last king of France.

York House,

Twickenham. S. W.

May 5th 1865

Madam

The overwhelming affliction which has befallen you and which has spread mourning not only over your country but over the whole world, ought perhaps to command my silent sympathy. But that national calamity is also a personal loss to one who had many opportunities of appreciating himself the noble heart, the great qualities of M. Lincoln, who held from him his commission in the federal Army2 and who gratefully remembers the gracious and friendly manner in which it was tendered to him. I hope therefore that you will excuse the liberty I take to offer you the expression of my sincere condolence with your grief. It is an impulse which I could not resist, an hommage which I am anxious to pay to a great and respected memory.

2 Louis Philippe served as a captain and an additional aide de camp on the staff of Gen. George B. McClellan from 1861 until he resigned on July 15, 1862.

Nobody pretends to offer you any consolations, for what mean the voices of the whole world when the only voice which we long to hear once more is silent for ever? But the expressions of symp[a]thy are, perhaps, more acceptable when they come from one who has gone himself through the terrible ordeal of great and untimely family losses.

It is with those feelings that I beg you, Madam, to believe me

Yours most devoted

Louis Philippe D' Orleans

From John D. Defrees to Mrs. Perry1, April 19, 1866

1 The Perrys of Auburn, New York were friends of Secretary of State William H. Seward and his family.

Washington, April 19 1866.

Dear Madam:

I find it impossible, due regard to other promises, to permit you more than one half page of the handwriting of the great Lincoln — as good as great.

Yours Truly

Jno. D. Defrees.

From John Bigelow to Mary Todd Lincoln, December 7, 1866

Legation of the United States

Paris. December 7. 1866.

Madam

In compliance with the request of a Committee composed of many of the most illustrious among the Republicans of France, I send you herewith a medal in gold designed to commemorate the glory and martyrdom of the great citizen whose name you bear.

It is the product of the spontaneous offerings of Forty Thousand Frenchmen eager to testify in this manner their sympathy with your immeasurable sorrows, and their deep respect for those exalted virtues which in President Lincoln, transcending the sphere of usefulness in which he lived and labored, have become the property and pride of the human race.

Deeply sensible, Madam, of the honour that is done me in making me the medium of transmission of an offering so precious, I beg the privelege of adding the expression of my profound respect and heartfelt sympathy.

John Bigelow

John G. Nicolay, Interview with Stephen T. Logan [Photostat]1, July 6, 1875

1 For a published edition of this interview, see Michael Burlingame, ed., An Oral History of Abraham Lincoln: John G. Nicolay's Interviews and Essays (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1996), 34-39.

Conversation with Hon. S. T. Logan2 of Springfield July 6, 1875

2 Stephen T. Logan

_____________

I came to Springfield on the 16th of May 1832 — was here during part of the excitement which attended the arrival of the “Talisman”,3 though that excitement had by that time received something of a check, as the boat in going out of the river was nearly torn to pieces.

3 In the spring of 1832 the steamboat “Talisman” ascended the Sangamon River to New Salem, stirring up a belief in the navigability of the river and in the economic future of the village of Springfield. On the boat's upriver journey, Lincoln and other residents of New Salem help to clear overhanging brush from the riverbank. On the downriver trip, Lincoln served for a while as the assistant pilot.

That was a very wet season — all the flast lands south of here were covered with water— I suppose I rode for a mile south of here with the water up to my horse's legs.

Then there came a great change in the weather. After the 16th of May I think there was but one shower until the 7th of September and that just only enough to wet the dust. I dont think I have seen so dry a season here since. That summer it was quite common to see the soil cracked open. I have seen it in places so that I could put my hand down into the crack.

Very soon after I came I began to get the symptoms of the chills and fever, and then I wished I had never left Kentucky. But then I couldn't get away; I would have left if I could have done so. In those days I have often seen ten wagons going back to where I saw one coming this way.

In those days we were bringing seed corn from Kentucky, and all our flour came from Cincinnati. Money was very scarce— I have paid $1 per bushel for corn to feed my horse.

That was the year of the BlackHawk war4 — the troops came through here, and the road from here to Sangamon river was all dust for one hundred yards wide, where there was low brush. The Sangamon river was so low that year that by laying a few rocks, one could cross it dry shod, almost any where.

4 Lincoln served in the Black Hawk War from April through July, 1832, first as captain of his own company, then, as a private in other Sangamon County companies.

Many people doubted then whether this country could be inhabited at all. I would have gone right back to Kentucky if I could have had a railroad to go on.

I became acquainted with Lincoln that year. They were making a canvass for the legislature.5 I had very soon got acquainted with Stuart,6 because we were both Whigs.

5 Lincoln declared his candidacy for the legislature in the March 15, 1832 edition of the Sangamo Journal.

6 John T. Stuart

Stuart and Lincoln were the only two men who attracted my attention in that canvass.

I never saw Lincoln until he came up here to make a speech. I saw Lincoln before he went up into the stand to make his speech. He was a very tall and gawkey and rough looking fellow then — his pantaloons didn't meet his shoes by six inches. But after he began speaking I became very much interested in him. He made a very sensible speech.

It was the time when Benton was running his theory of a gold circulation.7 Lincoln was attacking Benton's theory and I thought did it very well.

7 Senator Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri was a strong advocate of hard currency and a decided foe of the national bank and its paper money.

It was a speech of perhaps half an hour long. All the candidates made speeches. The meeting was held at the Old Court House, where the present State House stands.8

8 Lincoln and other legislative candidates spoke on August 4, two days before the election.

This county was then very large. In addition to Sangamon it embraced all of Logan, Menard, part of Mason, and most of Christian. In addition to the speeches at the Court House they used to have a good many fights at the groceries. Two gangs of country bullies used to meet here and fight one another. One was from Lick Creek, and the other from Spring Creek. I had seen a good deal of that sort of thing in Kentucky, and was somewhat used to it, but a stranger would have considered this a pretty hard country, I suppose. All the candidates made speeches at the meetings in those times, but nobody else.

The manner of Mr. Lincoln's speech then was very much the same as his speeches in after life — that is the same peculiar characteristics were apparent then, though of course in after years he evinced both more knowledge and experience. But he had then the same novelty and the same peculiarity in presenting his ideas. He had the same individuality that he kept up through all his life.

I knew nothing then about his avocation or calling at New Salem. The impression that I had at the time was that he was a sort of loafer down there.

I think that about that time he had concluded to quit work as a common day laborer, and try to make his living in some other way. Up to that time I think he had been doing odd jobs of surveying, and one thing and another.

But one thing we very soon learned was that he was immensely popular, though we found that out more at the next election than then.

In 1832 while he got a very large vote in his own precinct of New Salem, they hadn't voted for him very well in other parts of the county.9 This made his friends down there very mad, and as they were mostly democratic, but were for Lincoln on personal grounds, in the next race (1834) they told their democratic brethren in the other parts of the county that they must help elect Lincoln, or else they wouldn't support the other democratic candidates. This they did purely out of their personal regard for him, and through that influence he was elected in 1834.10 That was the general understanding of the matter here at the time. In this he made no concession of principle — whatever. He was as stiff as a man could be in his Whig doctrines. They did this for him simply because he was popular — because he was Lincoln.

9 Lincoln finished eighth in a field of thirteen candidates, four of whom were to be chosen to go to the legislature. He received 277 of 300 votes in the New Salem precinct.

10 In 1834 Lincoln finished second in a field of thirteen candidates.

He showed his superiority among them right away even yet while he was making rails. I believe he worked for a man named Kirkpatrick11 for awhile.

11 In March 1831 Lincoln, John Hanks, and John D. Johnston sawed logs at the mill of William Kirkpatrick near Sangamo Town. The lumber was to be used in the building of a flatboat in which they were to take a load of produce to New Orleans for Denton Offutt. It was perhaps at this time that he was employed by Kirkpatrick to haul logs.

He was always very independent and had generally a very good temper nature. Though he had at times, when he was roused, a very high temper. He controlled it then in a general way, though it would break out sometimes — — and at those times it didn't take much to make him whip a man. He wanted to whip Judge Jesse Thomas here once in a canvass for an election. It was after he had been elected a time or two — perhaps in 1840.12 The court was sitting here at the time, and the crowd was in the Court House listening to the electioneering speeches.

12 On July 20, 1840 Lincoln and Thomas engaged in a political debate in the Sangamon County Courthouse. Thomas charged Lincoln with the authorship of a series of letters criticizing Thomas' politics that had appeared in the press. It was perhaps on this occasion that Lincoln mercilessly mimicked Thomas, driving him to tears.

In the election of 1832 he made a very considerable impression upon me as well as upon other people.

In the campaign of 1834 he was much more known though I knew personally less about that canvass than in that of 1832. I was then practicing law and was attending to my work and studies. I was on the bench in 1836, — was elected in the spring of 1835, and remained until 1837.13

13 Logan served as judge of the First Judicial Circuit from 1835 to 1837.

He (L.) was at the head of the project to remove the seat of government here; it was entirely entrusted to him to manage. The members were all elected that session upon one ticket. But they all looked to Lincoln as the head.14

14 In the 10th General Assembly (1836-37), Lincoln and the other members of the Sangamon County delegation, the famous “Long Nine,” supported legislation relocating the state capital from Vandalia to Springfield.

I was in Vandalia that winter and had a talk with Lincoln there. I remember that I took him to task for voting for the Internal Improvement scheme. He seemed to acquiesce in the correctness of my views as I presented them to him. But he said he couldn't help himself — he had to vote for it in order to Li secure the removal here of the seat of government.15

15 Charges that the “Long Nine” traded votes for the disastrous internal improvement legislation in exchange for the removal of the state capital persist to the present time. Though swapping votes was common procedure, there is little real evidence to support the contention.

____________

My partnership with him in the practice of law was formed in 1840.1. I had had Baker16 before that. But I soon found I could not trust him, in money matters. He got me into some scrapes by collecting and using money though he made it all right afterwards. You know Baker was a perfectly reckless man in matters of money. Baker was a pretty good lawyer. When he would try he could manage his materials as well as most men.

16 Edward D. Baker

Lincoln's knowledge of law was very small when I took him in. There were no books out here in those days worth speaking of.

I don't think he studied very much. I think he learned his law more in the study of cases. He would work hard and learn all there was in a case he had in hand. He got to be a pretty good lawyer though his general knowledge of law was never very formidable. But he would study out his case and make about as much of it as anybody. After a while he began to pick up a considerable ambition in the law. He didn't have confidence enough at first.

He had been in partnership with Stuart,17 and Stuart never went much upon the law. Things have changed very much here since then. Lawyers must know very much more now than they needed to do in those times. Stuart was never a reader of law; he always depended more on the management of his cases.

17 The Stuart-Lincoln partnership lasted form 1837 to 1841.

After Lincoln went in with me he he turned in to try to know more and studied to learn how to prepare his cases.

I think he began reading perhaps a couple of years before he came up here.18 He used to come up here and borrow a book at a time and take it down there with him to read.

18 Lincoln began readng law in 1834, at the suggestion of John T. Stuart, with books borrowed from Stuart's office. He was admitted to the bar in 1837, shortly before his removal from New Salem to Springfield.

While he was down there at New Salem I think his time was mainly given to fun and social enjoyment, and in the amusements of the people he came daily in contact with. After he came here to Springfield however he got rid to a great degree of this disposition. Both he and Baker were exceedingly useful to me in in getting the good will of juries. Lincoln seemed to put himself at once on an equality with everybody — never of course while they were outrageous, never while they were drunk or noisy or anything of the kind.

I never in my life saw Lincoln taste liquor. In going around the circuit with him I sometimes myself got and took a little after having got wet in a storm, or swam a creek, or something of the sort; but he didn't even take it then. I never saw him taste liquor in my life, of all the times that we were traveling together.

Our law partnership continued perhaps three years. I then told him that I wished to take in my son David with me who had meanwhile grown up, and Lincoln was perhaps by that time quite willing to begin on his own account. So we talked the matter over and dissolved the partnership amicably and in friendship.19

19 The partnership with Logan was dissolved in 1844.

In that time he had made considerable progress. I recollect very well an oberservation I made to him about that time on an occasion when he had got very much discouraged. He had been over about Danville on the circuit and Baker had got very much the advantage of him in some matter there. He came and complained to me that Baker had got so much the start of him that he despaired of getting even with him in acquirements and skill.

I said to him: “it does not depend on the start a man gets, it depends on how he keeps up his labors and efforts until middle life.”

I think he remembered and acted upon that advice, for he spoke to me several times and mentioned the comfort and assistance he had derived from it.

Baker was a brilliant man but very negligent: while Lincoln was growing all the time, from the time I first knew him. He was not much of a reader. Lincoln was never what might be called a very industrious reader. But he would get a case and try to know all there was connected with it; and in that way before he left this country he got to be quite a formidable lawyer.

But he had this one peculiarity: he couldn't fight in a bad case.

So far as his reading and knowledge of law went he had a quite unusual grasp of the principles involved. When he was with me I have seen him get a case and seem to be bewildered at first, but he would go at it and after a while he would master it. He was very tenacious in his grasp of a thing that he once got hold of.

______________

In 1840 Lincoln was one of the Harrison electors, and took a long trip, making stump speeches down south and over on the Wabash. It seemed to be supposed that his character and style of speaking suited the people down there more than up north

_______________

His first trial here of importance was the prosecution against Truett for the murder of Early.20 Stuart was employed but at the time was away in Congress. In that Lincoln made a short but strong and sensible speech.

20 The trial of Henry B. Truett for the murder of Dr. Jacob M. Early (Lincoln's old Black Hawk War captain) was held October 9-13, 1838. Truett was acquitted.

Douglas and Woodson, then prosecuting attorney were on one side and Lincoln, Logan, and Baker defending.21

21 Stephen A. Douglas and David M. Woodson, the new state's attorney for the First Judicial Circuit, conducted the prosecution. Lincoln, Logan, and Edward D. Baker were assisted by Cyrus Walker.

From Annie Cress to Robert Todd Lincoln [With Card Endorsed by Lincoln]1, May 17 [1897]

1 The original bearer of this card has not been identified.

155 Hewes St, B'kyn, N. Y.

Dear Sir

My late husband prized the inclosed card very highly — requesting it be sent to you in the event of his death, which occurred on the fifteenth of April last. I am pleased to carry out his wish in the matter and trust the sentence shall reach you safely.

Respectfully Yours

Annie Cress.

May seventeenth

/97.

[Endorsed on card by Lincoln:]

Gen. Burnside,2 or Gen. Butler3 please see the bearer, consider whether he can be useful to them, because of his acquaintance with southern localities—

2 Ambrose E. Burnside

3 Benjamin F. Butler

A Lincoln

Nov. 1[5] 1861.

From Abraham Lincoln to James W. Grimes and James Harlan1, [March 1861]

1 The reference may be to Alvin Saunders of Iowa, whom Lincoln nominated to be governor of Nebraska Territory on March 26, 1861.

Messrs. Grimes & Harlan—

Would your friend, Sanders be Surveyor General of Nevada?

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

P. S answer at once.

[Abraham Lincoln] Bill of Exceptions1, [June 1840]

1 Lincoln was engaged by George England, who claimed that he could prove that he had bought horses belonging to Marshall Ferguson, not Lewis Ferguson, the plaintiff, who was suing to recover the animals. The jury found England guilty of detaining the horses and ordered him to return them, but allowed Lewis Ferguson only one cent in damages. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 0163.

Lewis Ferguson }

vs} In Replevin

George England }

Be it remembered that on the trial of this cause, the defendant proved that he bought the property in question at a constable's sale upon an execution against the property of Marshall Ferguson and Jesse Lukins— He then offered to prove that when the execution was levied upon the property in question the plaintiff in this cause, notified the consta- that he claimed said property, and wished to have his right thereto tried according to law; that in pursuance thereof a trial of the right of said property was had, at which trial the plaintiff attended, and prossecuted his claim to said property by the introduction of witnesses &c. and that the jury found, by their verdict, the property to be in Marshall Ferguson, one of the defendants in said execution— To make this proof, the defendant offered an imperfect record of the said trial of the right of property, made by the justice of the Peace before whom said trial was had, and then offered to suply the imperfection of said record by parol testimony— The court decided that parol testimony was inadmissable for that purpose, and thereupon the whole of the evidence in relation to the said trial of the right of property was excluded from the jury— To this opinon of the court the defendant excepts; and prays that this his bill of exception may be signed sealed and made a part of the record in the case—

S. H. Treat (Seal)2

2 The signature is Treat's.

From Joseph Holt to Abraham Lincoln [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1, [December 1861]

1 Nothing more is known about this interview.

I find it necessary to leave for St Louis tomorrow — could the Prest. indicate an hour this evening or night at which he could see me?

J. Holt.

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

Come at 7 this evening.

[Abraham Lincoln] Divorce Decree1, [March 21, 1856]

1 Nancy McCrea sued Charles McCrea for divorce on grounds of desertion, after Charles McCrea failed to return from California where he had gone during the Gold Rush. Lincoln represented Mrs. McCrea, who won her suit and custody of the couple's two children when her husband defaulted. See Martha L. Benner, and Cullom Davis, et al., eds., The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln: Complete Documentary Edition (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), File No. LO 4123.

Nancy McCrea}

vs} In Chancery for Divorce.

Charles McCrea}

This day came the complainant, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that due notice of the pendency of this suit has been given the defendant by publication in a newspaper, the publisher's certificate of which, is filed herein, and the said defendant, being three times solemnly called, came not, but made default— It is therefore decreed by the court that, complainant's Bill be taken for confessed— And the court, thereupon hearing proof, and being thereby satisfied that the allegations of said Bill are true, orders and decrees, that the bands of matrimony heretofore, and now existing between the complainant and defendant, be and the same hereby is, are, forever dissolved— It is further ordered that said complainant have the care and custody of the children in the Bill mentioned; and that she recover of said defendant her costs herein expended and have execution therefore— And that any questions, of allimony, and support of children, by said defendant, be adjourned—

D Davis2

2 The signature is that of Davis.

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

Nancy McCrea

vs} Decree

Charles McCrea—