REPORT.

Three months having elapsed since the formation of this Association, the Committee think it is due to their correspondents and subscribers to be more generally informed as to what has been hitherto done.

As will be seen by the subscription list, nearly £6000 has already been promised: of this sum £5081 1s. 11d. has been paid to the Treasurer.

Grants have been made as under, viz.:—

To the Western Freedmen's Aid Association, per L. Coffin £500 0 0

Do. do. 2nd donation 500 0 0

To the Philadelphia Friends's Association 500 0 0

Do. do. 2nd donation 500 0 0

To the New York Friends' Association 500 0 0

To the United Association of Pennsylvania, Baltimore and Boston 500 0 0

Baltimore Association, per Francis T. King 500 0 0

Western Yearly Meetings 500 0 0

£4000 0 0

In all recent cases the option has been given of having the grant made in goods or money.

In addition to the amounts specially reported to the Central Fund, very considerable sums have been collected and forwarded at once to the United States, or expended in the purchase of clothing &c., &c., by the local committees, whose exertions have, we believe, been aided and stimulated to some extent by the action of the Committee, and especially by the publication of the “Case and 0005 3 Claims of the Emancipated Slaves,” by John Hodgkin. Of this appeal 5000 copies were printed and circulated in the first instance; a second and revised edition of 5000 was quickly called for, and has been distributed; and a third issue of 5000 is now ready for circulation at the printer's, and may be had on application to Richard Barrett, 13, Mark Lane, London, E.C.

The Committee also published and distributed 7000 copies of a “Sketch of a Visit to the Freedmen's Camps around Norfolk,” and an edition of 10,000 copies of a pamphlet entitled, “The Crisis of Emancipation” (with a map), by F. Seebohm, which they commend to the careful perusal of their friends and wide circulation amongst their influential neighbours. This may also be had on application to Richard Barrett.

The following is the report of the sub-committee appointed to attend the Quarterly Meetings:—

“The Sub-Committee appointed to make arrangements for the visits to Friends to the various Quarterly Meetings in England, report that Deputations named by them have visited nineteen out of twenty-two of such Meetings; that in nearly all of them the Address entitled ‘Case and Claims’ was read sometimes in the Quarterly Meeting, with women Friends present; but, in many instances, to Meetings of Friends specially summoned. At some of these others not Friends were present, took part in the proceedings, and contributed handsomely to the funds collected. Two of the meetings were well reported in the public papers.

“The shortness of the time was very unfavourable for securing the services of Friends to visit distant Quarterly Meetings, but the same was obtained to a considerable extent. The following Friends were requested to undertake the visits, most of whom took part, viz., Wilson Armistead, Robert Alsop, Arthur Albright, J. B. Braithwaite, B. H. Cadbury, Samuel Bowly, J. D. Carr, Levi Coffin, Joseph Davis, James Ellis, Thomas Harvey, John Hodgkin, Thomas Hodgkin, jun., John Hodgson, Dr. Kitching, William S. Lean, Arthur J. Naish, Arthur Pease, J. R. Procter, John Priestman, Edmund Sturge, F. Seebohm, I. H. Tuke, Joseph Thorp, William Tanner, and William White.

“The written reports of many of these friends are very encouraging, and contain details both interesting in themselves, and of use in further public operations, and the result has been in one or more cases the formation of important auxiliary Societies of the general public; 0006 4 the Meetings at Bristol and Brighton having been worthy of special remark.

“William White reports that a special letter which he conveyed to the Dublin Yearly Meeting was read by the Clerk, and a very useful opportunity afforded him of speaking to the subject to a sympathetic meeting, which referred the question to the various Monthly Meetings for future action.

“R. ALSOP.

“B. H. CADBURY,

“A. ALBRIGHT.”

The Committee, having received a proposal from the “Freedmen's Aid Society” of London for an amalgamation or union with it, and having conferred thereon with Sir T. F. Buxton, and a deputation of the Committee of that Society, the result has been the determination on the part of the Committee, whilst retaining for the present a distinct organization, to unite with the London, the Birmingham and Midland, and other Societies, in the formation of a “National Committee of Freedmen's Aid Associations,” which shall fairly represent the various organizations. The convening, formation, and first session of this Committee, will take place at Birmingham on the 13th of Sixth Month.

The Committee have in course of publication a series of deeply interesting letters * from their friend, Joseph Simpson, of Manchester, who has devoted a few months to the investigation of the great crisis of emancipation in the United States, and the working of the various admirable societies, every day more closely banded together, for the relief and elevation of the negro at this critical period of the history of his race. These letters point out, in the most simple but striking manner, the vastness and constantly-increasing nature of the work. “ Help ” (says the writer) “ is much needed; it will be needed now more than ever, because the field has trebled in its extent since the close of the war. ” They also bear witness to the noble self-denying exertions of those who are labouring at one and the same time to relieve, instruct, and Christianize the millions of injured and down-trodden people who have so suddenly been thrown upon their own resources. It is in this great missionary work that your

* See pp. 9 to 17.

0007 5 Committee, however feebly, desire to be co-operating, and, although not sharers, it may be, in the personal toil and self-denying services of those who are thus devoting themselves, they earnestly desire that all in this country may be willing sharers in the privilege of cheering the faith and sustaining the labours of their American brethren and sisters, of whatever denomination, in this truly Christian work. For is it not emphatically to preach the gospel to the poor, to heal the broken-hearted, to preach deliverance to the captive, to set at liberty them that are bruised?

To give increased efficacy to this work, the Committee desire to impress upon their friends the importance of completing the organization of the various Committees appointed at the Spring Quarterly Meetings, and of forming such committees and sub-committees, in every place wherever there are Friends.

All such Committees are requested to send up the name of their secretary, and as far as may be, of at least one correspondent in each particular meeting, to Smith Harrison, 3, Great Tower Street, London. These Committees being formed, the following modes of action are suggested:—

1st.—Complete collection of contributions in their own meetings, giving an opportunity to every member to contribute.

2nd.—The circulation and introduction of the pamphlets and periodicals issued by the Friends' Central Committee to members of the Legislature in their own localities, magistrates, clergymen, editors of newspapers, and generally amongst their neighbours.

3rd.—To initiate, and co-operate with judicious plans for the establishment of district or local associations for the dissemination of information, the collection of subscriptions, and the formation of working meetings.

On behalf of the Committee, JAMES H. TUKE.

All communications to be addressed, in future, to Smith Harrison, 3, Great Tower Street, London, who has kindly undertaken the office of Secretary pro tem.

0008 6

THE SUBSCRIPTIONS COLLECTED BY THE MEETING FOR SUFFERINGS IN 1863–4 AMOUNTED TO £8,000.

THE FOLLOWING SUBSCRIPTIONS HAVE ALREADY BEEN PROMISED, Many of them being 2 nd, 3 rd, and 4 th Contributions.

To the Central Committee: —

J. G. Barclay £500 0 0

E. T. and G. Sturge 300 0 0

J. B. Braithwaite, Balance of Irish collections 223 9 4

G. W. Alexander 210 0 0

Joseph Gibbins 200 0 0

Joseph Pease 200 0 0

William Pollard (Hertford) 100 0 0

John Pease 100 0 0

John B. Pease 100 0 0

Joseph Sharples 100 0 0

George S. Gibson 100 0 0

Deborah Gibson 100 0 0

Henry W. Peek 100 0 0

Collections at Falmouth, per Daniel H. Tuke 90 18 0

John Hodgkin and Son 75 0 0

John D. Bassett 60 0 0

S. Harrison 50 0 0

James H. Tuke 50 0 0

William M. Tuke 50 0 0

Executors of Thomas Camps, per Richard Littleboy 50 0 0

H. Christy 50 0 0

Ann Gibson 50 0 0

William Fowler 50 0 0

Duncan M'Laren, Newington House, Edinburgh, per W. Miller 50 0 0

George Palmer 50 0 0

Jo. J. Lister (additional) 45 0 0

Theodore Harris 40 0 0

Newcastle Subs., per F. Clark 33 14 6

S. Forster 30 0 0

Francis Bassett 30 0 0

John Harris (for 3 years) 30 0 0

Robert Alexander 25 0 0

W. C. Alexander 25 0 0

Stafford Allen 25 0 0

Alfred Janson 25 0 0

Frederick Seebohm 25 0 0

Thomas Hopkins 25 0 0

Thomas Norton 25 0 0

Francis E. Fox 21 0 0

Robert Alsop, sundry amounts per 20 5 0

Thomas Binns 20 0 0

Josiah Forster 20 0 0

J. Whitwell Pease £20 0 0

Henry King, Rochdale 20 0 0

Margaret Pope 20 0 0

John T. Shewell 20 0 0

Arthur Pease 20 0 0

Collections at Torquay, per T. Horne 15 5 0

William Ransom 15 0 0

J. F. Rutter 15 0 0

Joshua Priestman 15 0 0

James Ellis 15 0 0

Collections, per C. R. Alsop 14 0 0

Thomas Wilson 11 0 0

William Beaumont 10 10 0

John Ransom 10 10 0

James Doyle 10 10 0

Frederic Ashby 10 0 0

John Marsh 10 0 0

Morris Ashby 10 0 0

John Oxley 10 0 0

A Spanish Merchant 10 0 0

Samuel Allen 10 0 0

F. J. Thompson 10 0 0

Lieut.-Col. Bazett 10 0 0

J. T. Rice 10 0 0

William Smeal, Glasgow, per 7 15 11

Friends at Coggeshall 6 6 6

Do. in clothing 5 0 0

John Morgan 5 5 0

Thomas Ashby 5 0 0

Caleb Williams, M.D. 5 0 0

Alfred Ransom 5 0 0

Samuel Lucas 5 0 0

W. S. Burton 5 0 0

T. D. Green 5 0 0

Priscilla Green 5 0 0

D. Squire and Sisters 5 0 0

Sarah Littleboy 5 0 0

M. A. Horne 5 0 0

Smith Hall 5 0 0

E. P. Rothwell 5 0 0

Jemima Swan 5 0 0

Frederick Wheeler 5 0 0

Ann Cotham 5 0 0

Maria Ransom 5 0 0

Potto Brown 5 0 0

Edward Fry 5 0 0

Hannah Scarr 5 0 0

&c., &c., &c.

0009

Additional Subscriptions from Ratcliff.

H. F. Barclay £25 0 0

Jane Barclay 10 0 0

Henry Fowler 5 0 0

R. M. Giles 2 0 0

James Gingell 10 0 0

Rickman Godlee £5 0 0

Samuel Prior 2 2 0

Rebecca Sturges 1 0 0

C. B. Warner 5 0 0

Additional Subscriptions from Edinburgh, per William Miller.

Benjamin H. Blyth, C.E. £50 0 0

Dunfermline Mission Hall, per Peter Taylor 0 10 0

James Kerr, 89, Nicolson's Street, Edinburgh 1 0 0

George Lander £0 5 0

M. Thomson, Dunfermline 0 10 0

Andrew Watson 0 5 0

Subscriptions per Alfred Wright, Pimlico.

Westminster.

James Bell £10 10 0

Eliza Bell 10 10 0

John Crosland (2nd don.) 1 0 0

Richard Dell 10 10 0

A Friend of the Destitute 0 10 0

William Gillett 5 5 0

John Mayfield 1 0 0

Catherine Messer 3 3 0

Wm. P. Parkin 1 1 0

John Pryor (2nd don.) 10 10 0

John Rawlings, jun. 2 2 0

Philip D. Tuckett 5 5 0

Sarah Woodward 3 0 0

Richard Woodward 2 0 0

Thomas Wright 5 5 0

Alfred Wright 5 5 0

Holloway.

Richard Beck £5 0 0

William Catchpool 5 0 0

A Friend, per Rd. Beck 1 1 0

Robert Horne 5 0 0

Richard Kemp 1 0 0

Robert Kemp 0 10 6

Robert J. Lecky 2 0 0

Mr. G. C. Lewis, Knightsbridge, S. W. 5 0 0

Edward Miles 1 0 0

Maria Smith (for each of the next 3 years) 5 0 0

S. Y. S., per Rd. Beck 0 5 0

W. Binns Smith 2 0 0

Mrs. Trevanian, Chestersquare, Pimlico 2 0 0

0010 0011 7

To the Bristol Local Committee, per Joseph Davis, Treasurer; £600 received:—

£ s. d. George Thomas 100 0 0 Robert Charleton 100 0 0 Elizabeth F. Gibson 100 0 0 Lewis Fry 50 0 0 William Tanner 50 0 0 Thomas Pease 25 0 0 Alfred Shipley 25 0 0 Walter Sturge 25 0 0 J. S. Fry 25 0 0 William Tothill 25 0 0 Elizabeth Dyer 25 0 0 Edward Ash 20 0 0 Joseph Davis 20 0 0 Anna Fox 20 0 0 John Sanderson Thomas 15 0 0 Richard Fry 10 10 0 Josiah Grace 10 10 0 Eliza H. Hunt 10 0 0 Joseph Fry 10 0 0 Samuel P. Jackson 10 0 0 Philip Debell Tuckett 10 0 0 Serah Sturge 10 0 0 Margaret Marriott 10 0 0 Thomas Wedmore 5 0 0 Samuel Tanner 5 0 0 John Thirnbeck Grace 5 0 0 Anne Naish 5 0 0 And other sums, amounting to more than £1000.

To Local Committee at Liverpool, per George Cook, Treasurer; £500 received:—

£ s. d. Joshua Dixon 100 0 0 Rathbone Brothers and Co. 100 0 0 Eliza Beakbane 50 0 0 Thomas Beakbane 50 0 0 Isaac Cooke and Sons 50 0 0 John Cropper 50 0 0 Henry Crosfield 50 0 0 Mary Flounders 50 0 0 D. A. Fox 50 0 0 Richard Nicholson 50 0 0 Rogers Waterhouse 50 0 0 Charles Wilson 50 0 0 Joseph Leather 25 0 0 John Green (in clothing) 20 0 0 William Blain 10 0 0 Thomas Leicester 10 0 0 Josiah Thompson 10 0 0 A Friend per G. C. 10 0 0 Albert Fox 5 0 0 Mark Leicester 5 0 0 M. Leicester, jun. 5 0 0 Hannah Rickman 5 0 0 David Wrigley 5 0 0 A Friend, per J. F. C. 5 0 0 Several small sums 10 10 6 £825 10 6

To Local Committee at Worcester £52

To Local Committee in Yorkshire, per Thomas Harvey, Leeds:—

£ s. d. John Priestman 50 0 0 W. H. Conyers 50 0 0 Joseph Frith 50 0 0 R. Walker 30 0 0 Sarah Harris 25 0 0 James Reckitt 25 0 0 Henry Broadhead 20 0 0 Hannah Jowitt 20 0 0 E. and E. M. Jowitt 20 0 0 Joseph Thorp 20 0 0 M. A. and H. Hewitson 20 0 0 Sarah Hotham 15 0 0 Henry Pickering 15 0 0 John Whiting 10 0 0 T. and S. G. Harvey 10 0 0 Isaac Robson 10 0 0 W. Rowntree 10 0 0 And other sums, amounting to more than £500. 0012 8

To Local Committee at York (forwarded direct to America):—

£ s. d. Sundry Persons, per A. H. Spence 52 7 0 Fielden Thorp 50 0 0 Joseph Rowntree and Sons 30 0 0 S. Rowntree 20 0 0 Collection at Public Meeting 12 11 0 Jonathan Burtt 10 0 0 James Wilson 10 0 0 John Ford 10 0 0 Henry Richardson 7 0 0 Elizabeth Gurney Dimsdale 5 5 0 Henry I. Rowntree 5 0 0 John Bellerby and Sons 5 0 0 James Backhouse 5 0 0 S. and S. J. Backhouse 5 0 0 M. Holman Shephard 5 0 0 Alderman James Meek 5 0 0 William Dyson 5 0 0 William Pumphrey 5 0 0 Anon 5 0 0 Caleb Williams, M. D. 5 0 0 John Holtby and Sons 3 3 0 John Kitching, M. D. 3 0 0 Miss H. Wilkinson 3 0 0 Balance Scarboro' Clothing Fund 3 0 0 Balance of 1864 Collection 2 6 9 Miss E. Grainger 2 0 0 Silvanus Thompson 2 0 0 Henry Hipsley 2 0 0 George Colman 2 0 0 Small Sums 5 9 5

Further Subscriptions are requested, and may be paid to the Treasurer ( G. W. Alexander, Lombard Street, London); or to Robert Alsop, Stoke Newington; Charles Hoyland, 86, Houndsditch, London; Smith Harrison, Great Tower Street, London; Frederic Seebohm, or James H. Tuke, Hitchin.

0013 9

LETTERS FROM JOSEPH SIMPSON, MANCHESTER.

No. 1.

St. Nicholas Hotel, New York, April 24th, 1865.

My dear Friend, J. H. Tuke,

By the above address thou wilt see that I am safely arrived here. We reached New York five days ago, and during this time I have been obtaining all the information I could respecting the present state of the Freedmen's cause. Thy kind friends, Benjamin Tatham and R. Lindley Murray, have, amongst many others, afforded me all the information in their power; and, as most of these friends speak of what they themselves have known and seen, their testimony is doubly valuable. In the course of another fortnight I hope to be in the midst of the work myself; so my next letter will probably be from the freedmen's camp, near Washington, or Norfolk.

You will ere this have heard the new aspect which affairs here have taken. A month ago it seemed probable that the war would be protracted for some time; but now that Richmond has been evacuated, and the main portion of the Southern army is broken up, every one here feels that the war is virtually at an end. This great boon naturally brings with it greatly increased responsibility for the friends of the poor slaves—slaves happily no longer. Immense has been the field of labour hitherto (and we in England can really form no adequate conception of its vastness); the liberation of so many more negroes in Virginia and South Carolina will test the energies of all here to the uttermost. Already the National F. A. Association of New York have above 60 Teachers in Savannah, and they are now organizing a corps for the Richmond district. The Friends here, too, are working very hard, and I am not less delighted than astonished at their untiring energy and excellent system of organization. The two pamphlets which I send thee by this mail will furnish some particulars of what is being done just now; but Friends here truly say that there is so much real hard and continuous work to do that they have not time to write much about it. However, thou wilt in future be supplied with all the printed matter which they issue; please, however, 0014 10 let our English friends understand that one tithe of what is done is not to be discovered in these documents.

And now briefly as to the data which your Committee desire to possess, as alluded to in thy note to Liverpool.

No central organization exists in America in this cause, and the Friends here seem (many of them) to think that real efficiency is better obtained by their present independence and freedom of action; though it is not easy to see it quite in this way, as viewed with our English ideas. I nevertheless see many cogent reasons for the present plan, the chief being that as each society, in most cases, makes itself responsible for separate bodies of men, each feels a special call to care for that body entirely. But there are of course many drawbacks to such a system. No accurate data is attainable as to numbers, total cash subscribed, spent, or in hand. Neither the National F. A. Association nor the “Friends” have yet ever been really short of funds; for as B. Tatham remarked—“we are fortunately known in America to have a good cause, and our countrymen have never yet been backward in finding us with the means we required.” And there certainly is among all classes here a generous spirit towards the Freedmen. This is an omen for good, I think, seeing that up to a very recent period there was so much apathy, if not real opposition, to all efforts to put the negro on a footing of equality with the white man. The people are now evidently more alive to their duty in this respect than they ever have been hitherto, and the Government seems in no way loath to chime in with the altered state of things. Every facility is now given at Washington for the establishment of camp schools—free transit is afforded in Government ships for all stores, &c., for the use of the freedmen. Rations and shelter are provided by the executive for all teachers employed in this service. Officers of standing have been appointed to assist the various secretaries in their several agencies, and land has been granted to the blacks, that they may at once earn their own livelihood. But with all this the cost of teaching and feeding so many thousands is enormous, and, though private and public benevolence here seems hardly to know a limit, we must all feel, I think, that it is as much our privilege as our duty to bear a part of this heavy burden. I am sure the money will be well spent. The cost of distribution is almost nil, and both societies here act on the principle that it is better that the people should work for the money than that it should be given to them. So far this principle has appeared to be that best liked by the blacks themselves; for, in spite of all their evil training, they seem to have a spirit of independence about them which makes them not only prefer 0015 11 a dollar earned to a dollar given, but their present freedom, with all the hardships inseparable from the suddenness of the transition, to their late bondage with all its so-called “liberty. ”

I leave for Philadelphia in a few days. I will only add that it will be quite a pleasure to me to be able to be of any use to your committee in this cause, for I know of none that has my nearer sympathy.

I am, thine sincerely, Joseph Simpson.

No. 2.

Philadelphia, May 6th, 1865.

My dear Friends, J. H. Tuke and F. Seebohm,

I received your kind letters of the 17th and 18th ult. a few days ago, and thank you for them. I was anxious to know more particularly upon what points you especially desired to be informed, and am therefore glad that you should have put the questions so clearly before me.

In this letter I shall not, of course, be able to reply to many of the enquiries, as I wish, in all cases, to have power to speak with certain personal knowledge before offering any opinion upon the important events now occurring here.

Upon one important point, however, there can be no shadow of mistake, and that is, that, in proportion as this terrible war approaches its end, the responsibilities of those who are anxious that the freedmen shall be rendered capable of looking after themselves will increase. This is inevitable; and, though it will necessarily be some time ere Government will be able to establish the new order of things as regards this fresh element of citizenship, measures must be taken at once for the maintenance of those tens of thousands whose freedom in the sight of the law has now become an accomplished fact by the defeat of the South. The planters, having now ceased, in reality as well as in law, to be responsible for the maintenance of these people, are not likely to deal very kindly with those for the tightening of whose fetters they have fought so long and suffered so much. No mercy, no kindness (much less any help), will be afforded them in this, the most critical period of their history. It is, then, to his friends 0016 12 in the North, in England, and elsewhere, that the freedman must look for just that amount of help which is required to get him safely over this great turning-point in his history. And more than this he does not ask. It is the unanimous testimony of all with whom I have spoken, and of all who have mixed with the southern negroes during the last few years, that he neither asks nor desires continued charity. Just give him a hand out of the misery in which his race has been steeped for generations—give him facilities for acquiring that knowledge which has not only not been given to him, but positively forbidden him—give him freedom and just enough education to fit him to use it aright—and he asks for no more. If you will refer to the reports of the teachers and inspectors at the various camps and schools, you will see how universal is this evidence of an independent feeling on the part of the blacks themselves. “We can work—are willing to do so—but we don't like to live upon charity.” Such is the feeling, and, from all I have yet seen of the action of the various committees in the North (and I have sat with several during their executive deliberations), they do all in their power to keep this up. The women are taught to sew; material is provided for them, and they are paid for their work just as our women were in the sewing schools in Lancashire. Many, if not most, of the able-bodied men were induced or compelled to enlist; others remain at home, and, where practicable, work for wages in the fields. The children are taken into the schools, and show a really wonderful quickness in the acquisition of knowledge. The idea, by the way, of the intellect of the black man being inferior in its nature to that of the white is entirely scouted by those who have taught both. Give him equal chances, and the teachers say the black is certainly not behind his competitor. When the coloured troops are released from service, as many are likely to be ere long, there will of course be additional call for immediate action of the various committees here. In fact, if we look at the almost boundless extent of the field of labour—at the numbers of those who need help, and need it given wisely and QUICKLY— we are apt to be overawed by its magnitude. This is felt to be very much the case by those most active in the work in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore whom I have seen, though their excellent talent for organization stands them in good stead in the midst of so much hard, practical work. The tax upon their time and means is enormous; no one but a spectator could appreciate it, much less could they understand the willingness with which both are given up. Both in New York and here I have been struck with the pleasure with which the different Freedmen's Societies have given me all the information I sought from them, as well as with the gratification 0017 13 all expressed at what England is doing in this good cause. “It is grievous,” they say, “that so much misunderstanding should exist between the two countries; we heartily wish for the most enduring good feeling between us; we know how much England really sympathizes with the cause of American liberty (in spite of acts and words which at first appear to have a contrary aspect); we should highly value the voluntary contributions of England in this good cause, not less for the benefits which would directly result from the gift itself, than for the evidence it would give our people of your sympathy with us in the work which we have so much at heart.” This is a fair summary of the spirit shown by all in this matter. Help is much needed; it will be needed more now than ever, because the field has trebled in its extent since the defeat of the South; but Americans feel that they cannot, in justice to themselves, ask England for this help. Like ourselves, Brother Jonathan is mightily averse to the begging attitude, and, though it would rejoice his heart to be the almoner of “the cheerful giver” such as I know John Bull will be, pray don't be disappointed if his spirit of honest independence makes him more intent on raising money and obtaining practical help at home than in preparing pamphlets or sending agents or elaborate reports to England with the view to obtaining money there. A willing offering would be most gladly and gratefully received, I am sure; but it must be a willing one to be acceptable here. Nor do I know of any channel where money could be better applied or more conscientiously used. I am aware that the National Freedmen's Aid Society of New York has an agent in England, and is about to send out another; but many feel that this is a mistake, and it is more than probable that means will be taken to rectify it. On Tuesday next a large Anti-Slavery Meeting is to be held in New York, with the view of discussing this matter, as well as to consider the propriety of forming an “Aid Union” of all existing Freedmen's Societies in America. If this Union be formed, many of the objections which apply to the present want of a central organization will be removed. I purpose attending this meeting in company with deputations from the two societies here. You cannot do wrong in remitting funds to either the Philadelphia Friends' Association or the Pennsylvania Freedmen's Relief Association here, or to the Friends' Association, or the National Freedmen's Relief Association of New York, all of which I have visited, and the first three of which I personally know to be working admirably. The last is not in reality a “national” affair in the just sense of the word, and its action as to sending out canvassers to England and other States is objected to by many. Nevertheless it is a very active body, possesses large means, 0018 14 and numbers amongst its officers men of undoubted ability and integrity. Do not remit in goods if you can help, as they are often unsuited to present wants, especially now, when instruction, and not food or shelter, is the chief need.

I will just add briefly one or two answers to your questions. The others shall be sent as soon as I can speak positively.

1. Measures are now being taken by Government for the formation of a bureau which will specially concern itself with the Freedmen. With this and private agencies, the rights of the freedmen, it is hoped, will be well guarded.

2. It is too early yet to know what will be the exact relation of hirer and hired, vice master and slave; but in Maryland, the Sea Islands, parts of Missouri, Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee, where the new régime has been inaugurated, it is said that many masters, formerly slave-owners, can now till their own grounds better and at less cost than before; whilst good labourers quickly obtain the means of comfort, without becoming in any way unruly.

3. But few of the refugees have come north, nor would it be wise to do so, seeing that they can at once earn a living where they are, and where they are wanted; whereas here they would find it hard to obtain employment, owing to their incompetency to fill it efficiently.

4. The various publications will in future be sent to each of you as soon as they are published.

I hope to write next week from Maryland. Trusting to hear ere long that subscriptions are coming in commensurate with the want here,

I am, with kind regards,

Your sincere friend, Joseph Simpson.

No. 3.

Baltimore, May 11th, 1865.

My dear Friends, J. H. Tuke and F. Seebohm,

My last letter from Philadelphia would convey to you the main features of the state of feeling in the North as regards the Freedman's Movement. The object of my present one will have more especial 0019 15 reference to what has been, is being, and has yet to be done, in the State of Maryland.

But first of all let me say, that the more I mix with the friends of the Freedman, as well as with other Americans, who merely look upon the question in its simply political bearings, the more I am appalled with the magnitude of the work set out before us, and with its enormously-increased dimensions during the last month. None but those on the spot who see visible evidence of the increasing claims, and the necessarily-inadequate means to meet these claims (coming as they have done so suddenly and unexpectedly), can form any conception of the extent—I had almost said the grandeur—of this work. More than four million beings suddenly became free, whilst not five hundred of them have been fitted to use that freedom! Was there ever a grander field for our sympathy, and our active, personal, immediate help? Really, I think not.

And if this be true of the whole of the States, as every thinking man acknowledges it to be, it is especially so with regard to Maryland. Out of a total population of some 750,000 persons, 90,000 were till recently slaves, and 40,000 free blacks. In no State have the friends of the slave met with more opposition than in this. It is now matter of history that, only five years ago, the slaveowners of the State positively brought a bill before the State Congress, for the professed object of enslaving every (free) coloured man who remained within the State boundary; and, though not strong enough to carry so iniquitous a measure, a law was passed preventing a master from selling his slaves at all. More recently still, the tobacco planters actually had the effrontery to attempt to secure the unpaid services of the children of their (by law) emancipated slaves; by forcing them to execute deeds of apprenticeship, in order, forsooth, that they should not be chargeable to the parish as paupers or vagrants! It happened fortunately, however, for these much-coveted and able-bodied “apprentices,” that their real friends in Baltimore got wind of the intent of the Planters. Without a moment's delay, they evidenced the possession alike of the wisdom of the serpent, and the harmlessness of the dove. Every Planter who had apprenticed a former slave was summoned to Baltimore. The slave's mother served him with an habeas corpus for his body, till at last the Planters saw they had no chance, and gave up their system in disgust.

It is true that a better state of things now exists; but the “Abolitionists” in Maryland are still a very small body. Nearly one half of the State is pro-slavery, a large number of the rest merely look upon the liberty of the slave as a political, and not at all a moral question. They 0020 16 declare him to be free by law, but that is all; they will not admit the practical results of this new freedom, as it affects his civil, religious, and political rights. So that it is not to be wondered at, if the anti-slavery men in Maryland find themselves overwhelmed with work, and utterly unable of themselves to cope with it.

And yet they have done wonders already. Yesterday I spent several hours, in company with Dr. Thomas, in visiting the coloured Free Schools of this city. About 1000 names are on the books, and the average attendance lately has been 650 to 700. Good schoolrooms have been provided; 13 teachers are regularly at work; and though operations were not commenced in these schools till the beginning of the present year, the general appearance, conduct, and attainments of the children struck me as being especially encouraging. They were clean, as orderly as the negro's fun-loving nature will allow him to be, and in attainments would not disgrace any English school which I was ever at. Figures, mental calculation and grammar are their weak points; and some of us, I think, won't be inclined to judge others very harshly on these points.

There was an evident feeling of interest prevalent amongst the scholars; they seemed eager to learn; and it is the universal testimony of every Teacher with whom I have yet conversed, that in point of intelligence and aptitude for learning the black child is not one whit behind the white; but, if anything, he is the quicker of the two. The Teacher, who is looked upon as the best in this city, has been seven years teaching in Boston (Mass.) and is now in these Free Schools. Her testimony was very clear:—“I have taught this class the same lessons which I taught in Boston to white children, and I can safely say that the lesson has been much more quickly mastered here than there, and with much less labour to myself. ”

In these schools, however, but few children of men recently emancipated are to be found. They are chiefly the sons and daughters of men who have long been free. And with so large a number of these children to teach, our Friends here have been positively unable to raise funds for the instruction of the 85,000 slaves recently set free.

These people are mainly on their old farms (tobacco and grain) in the Southern and Eastern counties of the State. They earn their livelihood quietly. There has been no disturbance whatever, but they are all anxious to be educated, and only require education to fit them for becoming better citizens, and able to compete with the white. And our Baltimore Friends are stirring to raise funds to enable them to organize 0021 17 schools all over the State just for these very people. The question is being pressed on the municipal authorities by Francis T. King and others; and as soon as the Committee here can see its way clear as to the funds, they purpose establishing schools all over the State. Such an object is doubly desirable just now, seeing that Maryland is looked to as an example by both Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri, and her schools are certain to become models for the other border States. I should also add, that at present the Baltimore Association is in debt, in spite of all their efforts to obtain money; but I learn that the Pennsylvania Society has just made them a grant of 1000 dollars, as a proof of the desire they have to encourage them to go on in their good work.

Should your Committee deem it prudent to remit any sum to this body, I feel sure it will not only be very well spent, but it will have a most salutary effect in cheering the Friends here, and inducing those who have not yet taken hold of the work to do so at once. * The Association is called “The Baltimore Association, for the Moral and Educational Improvement of Coloured People.” Jesse Tyson, of Baltimore, is Treasurer, and F. T. King, Vice-President. F. T. King received a letter, of which the annexed is an extract, from an excellent Wesleyan minister, a few days ago. It reveals a sad picture of the spirit with which the Southern Maryland Planters meet any efforts for the religious instruction of their late slaves.

* £500 has since been granted to this Association.

“Letters were on my desk, giving information of more church-burning and acts of vandalism on the poor defenceless coloured people. My heart bleeds for them. Many women and children, houseless and homeless, and hundreds of the lately freed slaves hunted about without mercy, and in the most implacable spirit of pro-slavery and disloyal hatred. I organized seven circuits for coloured people, found pastors and had them appointed, started Sabbath Schools, but have had to meet and breast a storm of opposition all along. I have seen four of their churches, which I helped to build and dedicate to the worship of our common Lord and Saviour, burned to ashes, because therein we tried to teach these poor, neglected, ignorant, but thirsty thousands, to read the Bible. The last church burned was on the night of May 3rd.”

I am just off to Richmond, Norfolk, and further South, so please excuse more.

Your sincere friend, Joseph Simpson.

0022 18

No. 4.

Richmond, Va., May 16th, 1865.

My dear Friends, J. H. Tuke and F. Seebohm,

Since I wrote you from Baltimore I have had the pleasure of the company of Dr. J. E. Rhoads, a Friend of Philadelphia, and a member of both of the Freedmen's Societies there. Dr. Rhoads has spent much of his time in superintending the schools for Freedmen at Yorktown; and, as our plans and purpose are similar, it is probable we may act in concert whilst in this State and North Carolina.

In Richmond five Freedmen's Schools are already established, and in them about 2,000 children are now being taught—chiefly by New England lady-teachers sent here by the Baptist Missionary Society. Seeing that little more than a month has elapsed since the Union troops obtained possession of the city, you will see that little time has been lost in getting the schools to work; and this would strike you more forcibly on visiting the schools.

Most of the scholars are but just free. Nearly all have long lived in the city; and though large numbers of coloured people who have just been liberated are flocking into this place from the vicinity, it is expected that most of them will return to their old or adjoining farms as hired servants as soon as the novelty of their new state of being (which, as yet, they can hardly realise) shall have given place to the consciousness that they will now be dependant solely upon themselves for their livelihood.

As might be expected, the children come to the schools perfectly ignorant of the very rudiments of learning. Their ignorance has, in fact, been compulsory. Remembering this, one is surprised to note how rapidly they advance, especially in all branches which can be taught orally. The teachers are surprised at this—especially those who have only been accustomed to white children before. To these children, coming to school is looked upon quite as a treat (O how different was it with some of us in bygone days!), and it would please you much could you see the little dark-eyed girls (decked in their bits of finery) march into school, laden, perhaps, with large bouquets of flowers for their teachers, and take their places with an air of delight, which says, as plainly as action can say anything, “Yes, massa, me free now; can come to learn book, learn sing, and den me short time write like white man.” Of course nothing but the 0023 19 simplest lessons are yet taught; though, by the way, I noticed one or two who spelled words of two syllables nicely. In order to avoid languor various exercises are resorted to continually; or a song is taken up with wondrous energy by all. Yesterday, for instance, a school of 500 or 600, which meets in the African Church, gave us with great vigour, “Rally round the flag, boys,” “John Brown,” and others, much to our and their enjoyment.

So far white teachers are found to answer better than coloured ones. In time, no doubt, coloured ones must take their places, especially during the hot weather further south. At present there seems to be but one teacher to 50 or 60 scholars, and some of them are much overworked.

Dr. R. and I visited a large settlement of Freedmen on First-day, who are placed for the present in some Confederate hospital erections, on the outskirts of the city. Finding many were anxious to go to school, but could not go to those already established, we felt anxious to organize a fresh school on the spot, and I am glad to say that arrangements are now being made to do this. Dr. R. has written to Philadelphia Friends for 200 dols. to start with, and two teachers. I hope both will be here next week, and thus some 200 to 300 scholars be at once provided for. During August teaching will be suspended on account of the heat; but after that there is every probability of arrangements being made for not less than 5000 scholars—as these can easily be got—and all will be only too glad to come. So I hope your funds will enable you to keep up a good supply to the New York and Philadelphia Societies, as well as that at New Orleans, the circular from which you would receive a while ago. I am told that the society at New Orleans is a very trustworthy one, and is able and willing to do much good if supplied with funds. Dr. Rhoads tells me, also, that the Baptist Missionary Society of Boston, and the American Missionary Society of New York (secretary, Mr. Whipple), are doing much in this cause, and we see evidence of this here. I mention this in case you should think it well to entrust some funds to their disposal.

So far I see no likelihood of the Freedmen being demoralized by the efforts which are being made on their behalf. All I have spoken to unite in the statement that they don't want alms. Give them work and protection from injury, and they will be satisfied. They are beginning to see very clearly that freedom has its attendant duties no less than its inseparable blessings, and though this desolating war and (in this city) the scarcely less desolating fire, have rendered it impossible for the masters 0024 20 to pay their hired men in money, they are, one by one, offering to pay in kind—giving their coloured servants a certain proportion of the crop. It is with the wives and families that the only difficulty will arise; but, if the latter can be provided for in schools, this great work will right itself in much less time and with much greater ease than I had imagined. There are and will be, of course, some cases of malignity—some masters, finding they can no longer legally compel their former slaves to stay with them, have peremptorily ordered all to leave the farms. On the other hand, some of the hands have refused to work on the old farms, and have roamed away till necessity has induced them to return or take employment elsewhere. But these cases are comparatively rare in this locality; both master and man being driven by self-interest into regular channels of free labour.

At present the Government has plenty of work for coloured freedmen here; but as soon as it is over the men say they will go on to the farms and stay there. I was amused with the reply one very black fellow gave to the question, “How are the masters offering to pay you, uncle?”— “Why, sar, massa fust said he find all de famly food and house for our work; den I think that, as him grow 4,000 bushels corn, near 10,000 lbs. clover, and odder tings 'sides, he can 'ford to pay me better dan dat, so I no go with him. Me tell him me worth more, and p'raps he give me some of crop.”

I must close this hurriedly, being suddenly called away. Excuse errors. No time to look this over.

Yours sincerely, Joseph Simpson.

Richard Barrett, Printer, 13, Mark Lane, London.