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A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774-1875
Aug. 11.1777
Your kind Favour of July 30 and 31 was handed me, just now from the Post office.
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I have regularly received a Letter from you every Week excep- ting one, for a long Time past, and as regularly send a Line to you inclosing Papers. My Letters are scarcely worth sending. Indeed I dont choose to indulge much Speculation, lest a Letter should miscarry, and free Sentiments upon public Affairs intercepted, from me, might do much hurt.
Where the scourge of God, and the Plague of Mankind is gone, not one can guess. An Express from Sinnepuxent, a Place between the Capes of Delaware and the Capes of Cheasapeak, informs that a fleet of 100 sail was seen off that Place last Thursday. But whether this is Fishermens News like that from Cape Ann, I know not.
The Time spends and the Campaign wears away and Howe makes no great Figure yet. How many Men and Horses will he cripple by this strange Coasting Vo[y]age of 5 Weeks.
We have given N. Englandmen what they will think a compleat Tryumph in the Removal of Generals from the Northward and sending Gates there, I hope every Part of New England will now exert itself, to its Utmost Efforts. Never was a more glorious Opportunity than Burgoine has given Us of destroying him, by marching down so far towards Albany. Let New England turn out and cutt off his Retreat.
Pray continue to write me every Week. You have made me merry with the female Frolic, with the Miser. But I hope the Females will leave off their Attachment to Coffee. (1) I assure you, the best Families in this Place have left off in a great Measure the Use of West India Goods. We must bring ourselves to live upon the Produce of our own Country. What would I give for some of your Cyder.
Milk has become the Breakfast of many of the wealthiest and genteelest Familes here.
Fenno put me into a Kind of Frenzy to go home, by the Description he gave me last hight of the Fertility of the Season, the Plenty of Fish, &c. &c. &c. in Boston and about it. I am condemned to this Place a miserable Exile from every Thing that is agreable to me. God Will by Banishment shall not last long.
RC (MHi). Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield), 2:205-6.
1 In her July 30 letter, Abigail had described how more than a hundred women had manhandled Boston Thomas Boylston and forced him to sell them a hogshead of coffee from his warehouse. Ibid., pp. 295-96
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My dearest Friend Phila. Aug. 11. 1777
I think I have sometimes observed to you in Conversation, that upon examining the Biography of illustrious Men, you will generally find some Female about them in the Relation of Mother or Wife or Sister, to whose Instigation, a great Part of their Merit is to be ascribed
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You will find a curious Example of this, in the Case of Aspasia, the Wife of Pericles. She was a Woman of the greatest Beauty and the first Genius. She taught him, it is said, his refined Maxims of Policy, his lofty imperial Eloquence; nay, even composed the Speeches, on which so great a Share of his Reputation was founded. The best Men in Athens frequented her House, and brought their Wives to receive Lessons from her of oeconomy and right Deportment. Socrates himself was her Pupil in Eloquence and gives her the Honour of that funeral oration which he delivers in Menexenus of Plato. Aristophanes indeed abuses this famous Lady but Socrates does her Honour.
I wish some of our great Men had such Wives. By the Account in your last Letter, it seems the Women in Boston begin to think themselves able to serve their Country. What a Pity it is that our Generals in the Northern District had not Aspasias to their Wives!
I believe, the two Howes have not very great Women for Wives. If they had We should suffer more from their Exertions than We do. This is our good GFortune. A Woman of good Sense would not let her Husband spend five Weeks at Sea, in such a season of the Year. A smart Wife would have put Howe in Possession of Philadelphia, a long Time ago.(1)
RC (MHi). Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield), 2:306.
1 Adams wrote a third letter to Abigail this day, informing her that he was sending his servant John Turner, a "very intemperate fellow," back to Braintree. Ibid., p.304.
John Adams to John Quincy Adams
My Dear Son Philadelphia August 11, 1777
As the War in which your Country is engaged will probably hereafter attract your Attention, more than it does at this Time, and as the future Circumstances of your Country, may require other Wars, as well as Councils and Negotiations, similar to those which are now in Agitation, I wish to turn your Thoughts early to such Studies, as will afford you the most solid Instruction and Improvement for the Part which may be alloted you to act on the Stage of Life.
There is no History, perhaps, better adapted to this usefull Purpose than that of Thucidides, an Author, of whom I hope you will make yourself perfect Master, in Original Language, which is Greek, the most perfect of all human Languages. In order to understand him fully in his own Tongue, you must however take Advantage, of every Help you can procure and particularly of Translations of him into your own Mother Tongue.
You will find in your Fathers Library, the Works of Mr. Hobbes, in which among a great deal on mischievous Philosophy, you will find a
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learned and exact Translation of Thucidides, which will be usefull to you
But there is another Translation of him, much more elegant, intituled "The History of the Peloponnesian War, translated from the Greek of Thucidides in two Volumes Quarto, by William Smith A.M. Rector of the Parish of the holy Trinity in Chester, and Chaplain to the Right Hohourable the Earl of Derby."
If you preserve this Letter, it may hereafter remind you, to procure the Book.
You will find it full of Instruction to the Orator, the Statesman, the General, as well as to the Historian and the Philosopher.(1) You may find Something of the Peloponnesian War, in Rollin.
I am with much Affection your Father, John Adams
RC (MHi). Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield), 2:307.
1 For a list of some of the various editions of Thucydides' works still surving in the Adams libraries, see ibid., p. 307n.
Samuel Adams to Roger Sherman
Dear Sir Philada. Augt 11. 1777
I duly receivd your obliging Letter of the 11 July by the Post.(1) I thank you for the favor and beg you to continue to write to me as often as your Leisure may permit. The Rumor you mentioned has since appeared to be a serious Fact. We have lost Ticonderoga and as far as I can yet judge shamefully. I was going to add vilainously, for indeed I am not able to account for it but upon the worst of Principles. The whole appears to me to carry the evident Mark of Design. But I hope & believe it will undergo the strictest Scrutiny. The People at large will not, they ought not to be satifyed until a thorough Enquiry is made into the Causes of an Event in which their Honor & Safety is so deeply interested. The only Letter received by Congress from St. Clair you have seen publishd under their Sanction. Schuyler has written a series of weak & contemptible Things, in such a Stile of Despondence which alone is, I think, sufficient for his removal from that Command. For if his Pen expresses His true feelings of his Heart it cannot be expected that the bravest Veterans would fight under such a General admitting they had no Jealousy of Treachery. In a Letter recd this Day,(2) dated the 4th Inst at Stillwater he writes in a Tone of perfect Despair. He seems to have no Confidence in his Troops nor the States from whence Reinforcements are to be drawn. A third part of his Continental Troops he tells us, consists "of Boys, Negroes & aged Men not fit for the field or any other Service." "A very great Part of the army naked - without Blankets - ill armed & very deficient in accoutremts without a prospect of relief."
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"Many, too many of the officers wd be a discrace to the most contempible Troops that ever were collected." The Exertions of others of them of a different Character "counteracted by the worthless." "General Burgoyne is bending his Force this way - he will probably be here in Eight days, and unless we are well reinforced" (which he despairs of) "as much farther as he pleases to go." Was ever any poor General more mortified? But he has by this time receivd his Quietus. Gates takes the Command there agreably to what you tell me is the Wish of the People, and I trust our affairs in that Quarter will soon wear a more promising Aspect.
The Enemies Ships upwards of 200 Sail after having been out of sight Six days were discovered on Thursday last off Sinepuxint 15 Leagues from the Capes of Delaware steering towards Chessapeak Bay. Your Friends here are well except Colo Williams who has been confind a few Days but is growing better. I have a Thousand things to say to you but must defer it to other opportunities & conclude in haste with Friendly Regards to your family. Affectionately yours, SA
FC (NN). Adams, Writings (Cushing), 3:404-6.
1 Sherman's July 11 letter to Adams is in the Adams Papers, NN.
2 See JCC, 8:628.
Cornelius Harnett to Richard Caswell
Sir Philadelphia 11 August 1777
I have been honor'd with your Excellency's favour of the 15 July for which you will be pleased to accept by Acknowlegments. I took the Small pox in Inoculation at Port Tobacco in Maryland which detained me three weeks at that place tho' I had it in a very favourable manner. I did not lie down one Minute for it.
The money Your Excellency is so Anxious about Mr. Penn tells me has been sent long ago. An Officer went off to take Charge of it. I do not find however whether it is certainly gone or Not as the Treasurer has not yet acquainted Mr. Pen with it. We expect every hour to hear from Baltimore about it.
I should have wrote you sooner had I not been waiting to give you a certain Account of the destination of the British fleet which sailed upwards of three weeks ago from Sandy Hook with Genl Howes Army on board. Every body believed their Intention was against this City, which was also General Washingtons Opinion by the movements in our Grand army under his Command which has been some time Incamped at German Town. Yesterday Morning Our Army begun their March towards N. York Government. The evacuation of Ticonderoga & the Success of Genl Burgoin since that event Has thrown the People &
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army in that State into great Consternation which they have not as yet recovered from. This, together with the Tardiness of the New England Militia make our affairs rather wear a gloomy aspect in that Quarter. Genl. Gates is gone to take the Command of Our Army in the Northern department, & we have great expectation from that Gentlemans Military abilities that an immediate change will take place as the N England People have a high esteem for him. The uncertainty of Genl. Hows Intentions has hurt Our affairs accordingly by Harrassing our Army by unneccessary Marches. The No. Carolina Troops are in High Spirit. I have seen some of the Officers. I inquired particularly after Cap Caswell who is in good health & Spirits. Genl. Nash with his Brigade is stationed for the present at Trent Town.
Mr. Burke talks of returning home the beginning of the next Month. I tell him he will not be suffered to stay Long in No. Carolina which indeed is my wish. I am Sorry he is under the Necessity of going. I beg Your Excellency will be pleased to present my most respectful Compliments to the Gentlemen of your Council. I shall keep this letter Open until the setting off of the Post, & shalll Communicate to you any further Intelligence which may be received Concerning Genls. Burgoin & Howes Operations. I am with the greatest respect, Sir, Your Excellencys Most Obedient & very huml Servant. Cornl. Harnett
[P.S.] For further News yr. Excely. is refere'd to the papers Inclosed.
RC (NNPM)
Cornelius Harnett to William Wilkinson
Dear Sir Philadelphia 11th August 1777
Your favour of the 16 July only came to hand a few days, I am exceedingly anxious to hear from Cape Fear & am obliged to you for the Information in regard to my family. I sincirely regret the death of our worthy friend Forster. He has a Brother living in One of the Counties in the Deleware State, pray inform me whether he made a Will & how he has left his affairs.
The Northern Department have been much alarmed by the Loss of Ticonderoga. Genl. Gates is appointed by Congress to Command the Army in that Quarter & the Genl. Officers who commanded there before, are ordred to repair to head Quarters to have their Conduct inquired into. We have had no certain account of the Destination of the fleet which sailed from Sandy Hook upwards of three weeks ago with Gen. Howes Army on board, which has kept Genl. Washington in great suspence as you see by the News Papers Inclosed. Mr. Mallet who arrived here a few days ago informs me there has been a Terrible Mor-
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tality among the Slaves at Cape Fear; I am sorry to hear it. I beg you will inclose me the So & No Carolina papers by every Post or Other Oppertunity; you know there is no danger of paying Postage. At foot I send you the Prices Current of sundry articles here and should you have occasion for any of them at those prices I desire you will send the money, as I have spent all I brought with me & my £800 per an. will not maintain me. Present my Compliments to Mr. Brice & desire him to send me the Acco. Sales of all the Prizes sent in by the Continental Ships of war as I am obliged to Settle with the Bord of Treasury. I write Mr. Hooper &c by this Opportunity(1) but I desire you will tell them I expect Letters from them in return or I shall stop my hand. Remember me kindly to all my friends & be Assured that I am, Dr Sir, Your sincr. Friend & hu Servt, Cornl. Harnett
Prices Current Pensilva Curry.
West India rum 40/ to 45 per Gall
Noward rum 30/-35/
Lo Sugar 15/ per pound
Bro Sugar 7/6 Do
1 quart punch 10/
Board by the week £10 to £12
Beef 2/6 per lb
Chickens 3/9 & 2/6
a water mellon 7/6
1 Night Stablege & feeding 1 horse 10/ to 11/
Shirting Linnen 40/ to 45/
And indeed every Other Species of Goods & Provisions in proportion
Tea £6 per lb, Wine £3 to £4 per Gall
Dinner & Club at a Tavern from 20/ to 35/
RC (NcU).
1 The only other Harnett letter of this date that has been found is the preceding entry.
Joseph Jones to George Washington
Dr. Sr. Phila. 11th Augt. 1777
Capt. Monroe(1) leaveing Town this evening I cannot avoid informing you by him that as far as his conduct has fallen under by observation and I have not been unattentive to it, he has been diligent in endeavouring to raise men but such is the present disposition of the people in Virginia neither Capt. Monroe or any other Officer preserving the Character a gent. ought to support can recruit men. Some men have indeed been raised but by methods I could not recommend and I shod. be sorry he should practice. The enlisting Men for the usual bounty is
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now and will I expect be for some time impractical if at any time it shod mend, on acct of the high bounty given by the Militia exempts, a mode of raising Men very hurtfull I conceive to the recruiting Business. I wish Capt Monroe could have made up his Company on his own accot. as well as that of the Public but I am satisfied any further Prosecution of the attempt will be equelly unsuccessful with his past endeavours. It is probable I may have the gratification of seeing you in this City as I cannot think the Enemy mean to carry on their operations to the Southward - a few days will I expect open their design. Very respectfully I am, Dr Sr yr aff. Sev. Jos. Jones
RC (DLC).
1 Undoubtedly Jones' nephew James Monroe.
Henry Laurens to Lachlan McIntosh
Dear Sir, Philadelphia 11th August 1777
Some where on my journey hither your favour of the 30th May overtook me, at my arrival I put it into the hands of Colonel Walton. The very Morning after I reached this City I took my Seat in Congress where I had intended to have remained a silent auditor at least until I should have perused the Journals of some Months back, gained a clue to business & an acquaintance with Members & their manners, but I was soon provoked to break through the prescribed bounds & to oppose a random scheme for a Western enterprize which had been proposed to the House as equally practicable & advantageous & which to my amazement the whole House appeared to have adopted, nothing remained to do on their part but to vote Men & Money.(1) I saw in that business destruction of a number of honest fellows whom we want exdeedingly for better employment, disgrace to our Arms & a vast increase to our general debt already swelled to an alarming heighth & felt that I should rise a criminal if I forbore to say every thing in my power which might tend to avert such evils. I delivered my sentiments & was successful, the question had scarcely an affirmative. I took occasion to report the value & at the same time the precarious & dangerous state to which Georgia was reduced, wished if so many Men as had been talked of could be spared from this quarter, they might be immediately ordered to that Colony, as well for its protection as for laying the foundation of an enterprize nearer home which at a proper time might be carried into execution with success & which would work half the Conquest of the other place without marching a foot towards it. Before I sat down I moved for a Committee to consider the State of Georgia or wished to second the Delegate from thence in a motion to that effect. In consequence of these suggestions a Committee was appointed whose report
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favorable to Georgia & I hope very agreeable to my friend Mr. Clay & yourself you will receive from Colonel Walton.(2) I think it does not go far enough, if we might have raised a certain number of Men for an intended service full of perils & almost certain shame & loss, the same number might have been added for the security of Georgia worth ten thousand times more, estimating property, than the other would have been if we had conquered, & for conquering a good barrier & removing very dangerous Neighbors. These matters are not enjoined in secrecy but the less said upon what we had intended or do intend the better, let our Enemies apprehend by our silence, we sleep. I have been driven to a necessity of giving my old freind McIntosh a Character in open Congress in opposition to the insinuations of some of his back freinds who I suppose had industriously transmitted the poison to a few Members, I did not find a diffcult task in that part, the Labour was plesant & Gentlemen generally disposed to think favourable of him, even those who had "seen" or perhaps received "Letters," retreated as soon as they were better informed. Colo. Walton will be more particular.(3) I shall on this head only add, that I expect you will give me notice of your approach to Philadelphia & an opportunity of meeting you if possible at some Miles distance. Come by way of Camden through Hallifax, every Body says that is the best Road, all are bad enough. In a word favour me with a hint of your intentions by the first opportunity & add if you please a state of your public affairs in Georgia.
The loss of Ticonderoga is a subject of discontent to all the friends of Liberty. It has opened a Passage to Mr. Burgoine who with his motly Troops of Britons, Germans, Canadians & Indian Savages had penetrated by our las Accounts within 25 Miles of Albany, our Generals Schuyler & St. Clair having regularly retreated as he advanced, where the stand which has been much talked of will be made is uncertain. 'Tis said & I believe with truth, that the Militia are so prejudiced against those Generals they will not fight under them. I hope by this day General Gates who is more beloved is at their head & that which lately made a parade near the Capes of Delaware should unite. Indeed tis rather to be feared a complete conquest of New York will be made, that our Ships at Providence will be destroyed & that this City will be the aim of a large detachment before Winter sets in. If such calamities betide us we shall owe as much to the Languor & Luxury of Whigs as to the malice & artifice of Tories, a Class abounding in this & the next northerly State.
Gen Putnam is at Peeks Kill with about 7000 Men who have hard duty & may be soon brought between two fires.
Our brave Commodore Manly after having fought with & taken the Fox Frigate of 28 Guns lost his prize to a Ship of 60 Guns & was taken
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himself by one of 40 & is carried in great triumph prisoner to New York. His own Ship was so Shattered she could scarcely swim. What is worse that all, the Captain of the Frigate tis said is retaken in Manly's Vessel & we have not an adequate to offer for the ransom of our Hero.
If tomorrow produces any further important Accounts you will be informed by a Postxcript. At present I conclude with Compliments to Mrs McIntosh & to the yount Gentlemen & assurances of remaining with great regard, Dear General, Your most obedient servant
Henry Laurens
RC (MHi)
1 See Charles Thomson's Notes of Debates, July 24 and 25, 1777
2 For Congress' August 1 resolves on Georgia, see JCC, 8:596-98
3 See George Walton to Washington, August 5, 1777
James Lovell to William Whipple
Dear Sir, Philadelphia 11th Aug 1777
Your double favor of the 28th reached me this day. I have laid it by with several other papers that will deserve particular reading when the Northern Commanders shall come this way. You will find various accounts in the Gazettes. There is one better in particular under the Hartford Head which seems to make all mighty well, and calls for gratitude to the General who brought off the Troops so nicely.
I hope Gates will reach the hiding spot of Schuyler before the Militia get quite disgusted. A most whining history dated the 4th is come to hand from the matchless leader.(1) But the Deputy Pay Master General gives a good account of numbers and only wishes that Gates' Yankies had a spirited Commander.
I have wrote you that 11 Colonies in 12 sent Gates, and the 12th only made objection that he had addressed the Committees of the Grants by the same title as they had used in their letters to him - miserable objection!
Jemmy D----(2) promised me a printed copy of the resolves of Congress of the 30th of June which the New York Delegates got struck off but he did not perform his promise, though I told him, I wanted it only for you.(3) However Town has given them to the world at large to praise or condemn as shall seem best.(4) It was scarcely rub and go by the absence of a Jersey member. The expressions are no encouragement to New York though the petition of the Grant-men was not allowed.
Commissary Trumbull has at last got free. Arnold too is a liberty to quit. He conducted almost without blemish in resigning, if a man may be said to do so, who leaves a patriotic exertion because self love was injured in a fanciful right incompatible with the general interest of the
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Union. Georgia(5) wrote that he could not expect his claimed rank would be restored, as the Eastern States were set against it though he owned he had made an exception of Con. and Rh. Isl. If any member demands it the yeas and nays of every member are voted. It was demanded on this mighty occasion, the vote against restoration being 7 to 4; 3 of which 4 were N.E. and Georgia the 4th happening all to be single voices, one of your's being unwell and two of Connecticut also sick. They intend to have Mass. hanged on a tree we being all 4 of a mind, as were all the rest except General R-----(6) among the Pennsylvanians. This registering is childish for if I am at a loss in any other question, I can defend this against a crowd.(7)
We have found Howe again; I thought he was lost in the Gulph stream.
I will not say a word about Manly - read the Halifax account. I wish Thompson better success, nor do I doubt his prudence will have it.(8)
Love & Compliments from yours, J.L.
Tr (DLC).
1 Gen. Phillip Schuyler's August 4 letter to President Hancock was read in Congress this day. See Samuel Adams to Roger Sherman, this date.
2 James Duane.
3 These were the resolves dimissing the petition of Vermont for recongition as an independent state. JCC, 8:509-13
4 Benjamin Towne was the publisher of the Pennsylvania Evening Post, which printed the June 30 resolutions pertaining to the New Hampshire Grants in its August 7 issue.
5 That is, George Walton. See Lovell to Whipple, August 8, 1777.
6 That is, Daniel Roberdeau. See JCC, 8:624
7 When Henry Marchant demanded, on August 8, 1777, that the yeas and nays be recorded when the delegates voted on the issue of the date of Benedict Arnold's commission as major general, Congress inaugurated the practice of recording roll call votes at the request of any delegation. See JCC, 8:599, 624. For convenient summaries and lists of the roll call votes accompanied by maps illustratingj the breakdown of each vote state by state that Secretary Thomson recorded in the journals from this date until the Articles of Confederation were implemented in 1781, see Clifford L. Lord, ed, The Atlas of Congressional Roll Calls for the Continental Congresses, 1777-1781 (Cooperstown, N.Y.: New York State Historical Association, 1943).
9 See Henry Laurens to John Lewis Gervais, August 5, 1777, note 4.
Robert Morris to Jonathan Hudson
Sir Philada. August 11, 1777
You begin yours of the 8th Inst. with saying a letter is enclosed for the marine Committee but that was not the case, however I will soon as I can find time get some orders for you respecting that Brigt and in the mean time you had best employ the Captain you recommend to
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look after & see her finished. I fancy the prices of Goods here must be full as high as they ought and if yours come up you will be satisfyed with what you get for them. Our people shall give any assistance wanted from me or them on the occasion and whatever comes shall be taken care of. I am glad you have got your Iron again & that things will go on as they ought and it is well that Mr. Vashons Goods are to be disposed of by others, if they are put into good hands, it is not much matter who the persons are, they will get high prices I will send your advertizement to the press & am ready to do you any service therein that I can. I have told Mr Braxton that I was content he should execute the plan proposed by Mr. Dorsius as long as he found it wou'd answer but I think we shou'd attend carefully to avoid confusion in Accounts by mixing them & extending our Con[. . .] too far or letting them run too long without settling accounts and I cou'd wish for this reason that the Accounts of your Voyage shou'd be settled soon as possible. I am sir, Your Obedt hble servt. Robt Morris
RC ( PHarH ) .
John Adams to James Warren
Dear Sir Phila. Aug. 12. 1777 I see by the Papers, our assembly is called, and conclude it is now Sitting.
The Letters we receive from G. Schuyler, are enough to frighten any Body who does not know him. G.W. Says that all the Regiments from N.H. & M.B. are at the Northward and yet, Schuyler tells Us he has not above 4000 Men. I hope this Matter will be investigated. I believe Gates will find greater Numbers. If not I hope they will be sent him.(1)
Burgoyne is treading dangerous Ground, and proper Exertions will ruin him. Those I hope will not be wanting. I rejoice to see such a Spirit arise upon the Loss of Ti. and such determined Calls for Inquiry. The Facts must be stated from the Returns and other Evidence, and the innocent will be I hope acquitted-the guilty meet their Deserts. I see no Medium, I confess, between an honourable Acquittal and capital Punishment.
What is become of Howe? The Jersies are very happy, relieved from an heavy Burthen. What Fears were propagated in Boston last January, that the Jersies were lost. Not a Single Village has revolted.
We have still Accounts of part of Howes Fleet, coasting between the Capes of Delaware and those of Cheasapeak. What this Mans design is, can not be conjectured. It is very deep or very shallow.
Washington has been here with a noble Army, very obedient, and orderly.
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Our News from France, is agreable. Trade, Friendship, Assistance underhand, and Loans of Money for the present-other Things by and by. I am&c
RC (MHi). In Adams' hand, though not signed.
1 The second session of the Massachusetts General Court began on August 5, one month earlier than scheduled. The session lasted only until August 16, but the general court acted strongly to reinforce the northern army with men and equipment The Acts and Resolves, Public and Private, of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay . . . 1777-1778 (Boston: Wright & Potter Printing Co., 1918), pp. 85-109.
Samuel Adams to James Warren
My dear Sir Philadelphia Augt 12 1777 The inclosd is an attested Copy of General Schuylers Letter to the President of the Congress.1 It needs no Comment. How far the Massachusetts State deserves the Strictures therein made, you can tell. I send it to you for the Perusal of the Members of your Honbl House. If they have sent into the Army, Boys, Negroes & Men too aged to be fit for any Service, they will lay their Hands on their Mouths. If not, I hope some decent but keen Pen will vindicate them from that & other Aspersions. This, like all his other Letters, is written in such a desponding Stile, that it is no wonder that Soldiers decline fighting under him, though they may be under no Apprehension of Treachery. But he has by this time receivd his Quietus, at least till he can give a good Account of his Conduct. Gates has gone to take the Command and our Affairs in that Quarter, I dare say, will soon wear another Face.
The Enemies Fleet have been again seen, 200 Sail, off Sinipuxin about 15 Leagues South of the Capes of Delaware. I think I have now a just Demand upon you for a Letter. I shall be disappointed if I do not receive one by the next Post. Adieu my Friend. S A
RC ( MHi ) .
1 The enclosed August 4 Schuyler letter to Hancock is in Warren-Adams Letters, 1:352-53. Charles Carroll of Carrollton to Benjamin Franklin
Douhoragen,(1) Anne Arundel County, 12th August 1777. Encloses letter to William Carmichael, left open for Franklin's perusal "as it relates principally to public concerns. When you have read it, please to seal it. No doubt the Secret Committee will give you a full & true account of the present situation of our affairs, & of our wants; they may
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not, perhaps, enter into the causes of our miscarriages on lake Champlain: the loss of the posts of Tionderoga & Mount Independance, and of our stores must be imputed to the dilatoriness of the New England States in not sending sufficient forces to defend the lines: to an unhappy difference between Generals Schuyler & Gates, the foundation of which was laid before you left Congress, & lastly to the improvidence of Congress in not giving positive orders for evacuating those posts, and the removal of the stores before the arrival of the enemy at Crown point. The campaign hitherto has been inactive: Gen. Howe must have been weaker than we imagined, or must have wanted some essentials, otherwise his remaining cooped up at Brunswick all the Spring must appear to every military man a strange piece of conduct: the temperature of the weather at that Season, and the weakness of G. Washington's army were strong incentitives, one would think, to action: it is their interest to be active & enterprising in order to finish the war with the utmost expedition; it is ours, to procrastinate & avoid a general battle Perhaps the Enemy mean to worry us into slavery by a lingering & expensive war, and despair of succeeding by open force, viribus et lacertis. The Enemy will probably direct their whole force this fall against the State of New York with a view to reduce it entirely, others open a communication with Canada, and render difficult & hazardous the communication between the eastern & middle States: whether they will Succeed in this plan, time must discover; the chances, I think, are against them, if the eastern & middle States exert themselves, and as their own preservation depends on speedy & vigorous exertions, we may hope the Enemy will be baffled in their attempt. I flatter myself, our struggles for Independence will in the end be crowned with success, but we must suffer much in the mean time, and unless we continue to receive powerful assistance in arms, ammunition, & cloathing & other warlike Stores, and supplies of cash, or a credit in Europe equivalent thereto, we must sink under the efforts of a rich & inveterate Enemy, mistress of the Ocean, and determined, it seems, to run every hazard in subduing these States to unconditional Submission. My greatest apprehensions arise from the depreciation of our paper money; if we emit more bills of credit, they will fall to nothing; we cannot tax to the amount of the charges of the war, and of our civil establishments; we must then raise money by lotteries, & by borrowing; but the adventures in lotteries will be few, and the monied men will not part with their money without a prospect of having their interest paid punctually & in some thing that deserves the name of money & will serve the uses of it: if the annual interest of the Sums borrowed could be paid in gold & sylver, it would be a great inducement to monied men to lend their money to Congress; where one pound is now lent, forty pounds would then be lent. If bills of Exchange drawn by Congress on some house in France would be accepted to a certain amount, considerable sums proportionable to the obtained credit,
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might be speedily raised by the sale of such bills, particularly if advantage were taken by the Public of the Exchange....
"We have not yet confederated, but almost every member of Congress is anxious for a Confederacy, being sensible, that a Confederacy formed in a rational Plan will certainly add much weight & consequence to the united States, collectively give great Security to each individually, and a credit also to our paper money: but I despair of such a confederacy, as ought, & would take place, if little & partial interests could be laid aside: very few, & immaterial, alterations will be made in the report of the Committee of the whole house; this is only my opinion, for we have made but very little progress in the house in that important affair; immediate & more pressing exigencies having from time to time postponed the consideration of it to this day, when, I am informed, it is to be again resumed. If this war should be of any considerable duration, we shall want men to recruit our armies: could we engage 5 or 6 thousand men, Germans, Swiss or the Irish Brigade? I have mentioned this matter to several members of Congress, but they did not seem to relish the introduction of foreign mercenaries; I own it ought to be avoided, if possible. Handycraftsmen would be very Serviceable to us, such as black Smiths, nailors, Shoemakers, weavers & persons skilled in the management of Hemp & flax. One of the greatest distresses we have yet felt is the want of salt, but, I hope, we shall not be in so great want of that essential article for the future, as we have been: a bushel of salt some months ago was sold at Baltimore Town for £9. Necessity is said to be the mother of Invention, it surely is of industry among a civilized People. Many private persons on our Seacoasts & Bays are now making salt to supply themselves & neighbours; these private, and the public salt works together will in a few months, I hope, yield a tolerable supply to our People and at pretty reasonable rates compared with those, which have obtained for some time past: perhaps the private Saltmakers may afford to sell salt at 30s. per bushel; the undertakers of the public salt works in this State are under contract to sell what salt they make at 5s. We are casting salt pans: but they cost £100 per Ton, and are subject to cracks: when our plating mills get in full works, it will be better to make the pans of plate iron, altho' they will come considerably higher: a large importation at this time from Europe of salt pans would be very serviceable: they would sell high. The necessaries of life, except wheat flour, are risen to an amazing nominal price, owing to an encreased demand, & great depreciation of our currencies: wheat sells at 6/6 in this part of the country; the market for flour is very dull at present; the price of live stock of all kinds is prodigiously advanced; a cow, for instance, which a year ago would have sold for £6 only, would now sell for £18, or 20: cloths, linnens & woollens are excessive high; I have a coat on, the cloth of which is not worth more than 10s. a yard & would not have cost more 18 months ago, which lately cost me £4.10.0 a yard. Rye
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sells as high as 10s. per bushel; the distillers give that price to distill it into whisky; stills are set up in every corner of the country; I fear they will have a pernicious effect on the morals & health of our people. The months of June & July were pleasant & seasonable; the spring was very cold & dry with late frosts: we had a frost here the 28th May which destroyed our European grape vines & apples: the crops of flax throughout this State are bad: the crops of wheat & rye in general good. The 1st instant the weather set in very hot, and has continued so ever since; yesterday was the hottest day I ever felt; this is almost as bad."
RC ( PPAmP) .
1 Apparently Carroll had left Philadelphia when Samuel Chase returned to take his seat in Congress on July 21. It is not known how long Carroll remained at his father's Douhoragen estate, but shortly after news arrived in Maryland that Lord Howe's fleet had arrived in the Chesapeake, Carroll set out on a trip lasting about four weeks that eventually took him back to Congress at Lancaster and York, Pa., where Congress reconvened at the end of September following the evacuation of Philadelphia. Carroll's August 22 letter to Gov. Thomas Johnson, which was probably written from Douhoragen and not from Philadelphia as indicated by Rowland, is in the Etting Collection, PHi, and Kate Mason Rowland, The Life of Charles Carroll of Carrollton, 1737-1832, with His Correspondence and Public Papers, 2 vols. (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1898) 1:212-14. Letters to his father of September 8, 11, and 18, written from "Swan Creek," "Johnson's Ferry on Susquahanna, Cecil County," and "Reading Furnace," are in the Carroll Papers, MdHi.
Samuel Chase to Thomas Johnson
Dear Sir, Philada. Augst. 12. 1777. Tuesday I am honoured with your favor of the 8th Ult., and will pay every attention in my Power to the Remarks of Mr. Coudray, but I despair of ever introducing (Economy into either our civil or military Department My assistance will not be wanting to obtain so desirable an Event.
By Letters from Sinepuxent of Fryday last by Express we are informed, that on Thursday a fleet of between 200 & 250 Sail passed by steering to the Southward, & on Fryday, they were seen off the same Place steering North. Genl. Washington is now with the main Body of his army about 16 or 20 Miles from this City, on the Road to Coryels ferry.
I expect to see the Credit of our Money established in a very little Time. Our Commissioners have advised Congress to draw Bills, at par, on them, to the amount, if they choose, of twenty Million of Dollars, that they will accept them, payable with an Interest of 5 per Cent, from the Day of Payment till discharged.(1) To support the Credit of the Bills, they will [be] accepted by some of the first Bankers in France-in a word the Nation of France will be our Security for the Payment of the Interest-Spain will do the same.
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Our army has retreated from Saratoga to Still-Water, about 25 Miles above Albany. We have about 3,000 Regulars & about 1,000 or 1200 Militia. Burgoyne has about 6,000 Regulars, & 400 Indians & 200 Canadians. The Savages butcher & scalp whole Families. I gave Gab. Duvall a Copy of a Letter to Me which is more particular.
Major Jenifer Adams applied to Me for his Commission. He was appointed a Lieutt Colonel, by the Council of Safety 10 Jany last. He was appointed a Major in April by the Assembly. I offered him a Commo. bearing Date the 10th of April, agreeable to the Directions of the Assembly, & offered to indorse that he was appointed a Lieut. Colo. 10 Jany, to intitle to pay from that Time. He thought such an Indorsement would reflect Disgrace on his Character. He would not receive his Commo. dated the 10th of April. I promised to inform you and Council of this Difficulty.
I expected to hear from you relative to our Militia. If Genl Howe should still attempt to execute his Design agt. this City, Gen. W. is very desirous that a Body of Militia should hang upon his Rear. He proposes to encamp a little beyond Darby. Chester, New Castle and Wilmington will be excellent Quarters for Howe. If a respectable Body could be collected at Wilmington, it would be of infinite Service.
I shall give you every Intelligence.
I beg my Compliments to the Gentlemen of the Council. Your affectionate & obedt. Servt. S Chase
RC ( PPRF ) .
1 This information was contained in the commissioners' letter to the Committee of Secret Correspondence of March 12, 1777. See Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 2:286.
Nathaniel Folsom to Josiah Bartlett
Dear Sir Philadelphia Agust. the 12th. 1777 I Recd. your Kind feavouer of the first Instant in which you have Represented the Effect and Consequences that have taken Place, with the People at Large by the Loss of that important fortrise Tyconderoga- and I find them the Same, that wade Expected by all the Newengland Dellegates, and made use of in thaire arguements in Congress, for the Recalling of the Generals Schyler & Sat. Clare and for an inquirey into thaire Conduct for three Days togather abought Eighteen Days agoe, which wade most voilently aposed by the New York & Some of the Southern members-but at last Carried by a Large majority, and a Committe appointed in Congress to Report the mode of inquerey. General Gates is apinted to take the Comand in the northen Department & went off Last Thursday. As to the newes by the Packet from France it is taken
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up in a general way that ouer affairs baire a feaverable aspect tho no probelety of a war this year, yet thay aire makeing every Preperation in thaire Power both in France & Spaine and that all Europe aire Plesed with ouer independence.
That funds will be Established by ouer agents for Paying the intrest and Part of the Prinsible of the Continental money.
The ministers of France Continue to tell ouer agents that they Can be of more Servise to the united Staes than thay Could be if thay ware to Declare war with Briton that thay aire not yet Rady alltho thay say a war will sertainly take Place when thay aire.
Some of the Leters which Came by the Packet aire Publisht which you will See before you recive this.
Hows fleet waire seen Last Thursday forty five miles Southward of the Capes of the Deleware which wade the Last Congress had heard of them. His Differant menovers have Puseld us all. Genl. Washington is now at Coraels feray with the bigest half of the armey waiteing the moshon of the Enemy. The Congress wood be glad Mr. How wood Come up the Deleware all most to a man because it Give you an oppertunity to Scurge those Sons of murder in the north. The wather here is exceding Hot. The Post is waiting. I am with Grate Respect your Humbl Servent.
Nathl Folsom
RC (NhD).
Henry Laurens to John Rutledge
Dear Sir Philadelphia 12th of August 1777. I reached this City the 21 July & next Morning took my Seat in Congress where I found upon the tapis a subject not well understood & which was to be agitated within eight & forty hours-an expedition to West Florida projected by persons out of doors & recommended upon vague & indigested plans & propositions, adopted by a few within & apparently acquiesced in by a great majority. The delegates from So Carolina are to be excepted.(1)
1000 or 1200 Men were to be immediately raised & embarked in Battoes on the Ohion & proceed down the Stream to rely for assistance on the friendly disposition of the Inhabitants on the Banks of Mississippi "who were chiefly emigrants from the United States," upon the Governor of New Orleans for supplies of Money, Cannon & Artillery, Stores, upon the Strength of "friendly assurances received from the Spaniards." The troops were to lie perdue in a certain Cove or Bay near the mouth of the River till intelligence should be received of the arrival of 3 or 4 Frigates in the Bay of Pensacola, these were to attack in front & aid the efforts which were to be made on the land side. The Frigates indeed were to
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rendezvous at Havanna from whence they were to Sail when advice Should be given of the arrival of the Troops near Orleans.
The intended operation to be kept a profound Secret & the whole coup to be accomplished between the midle of October & Christmas.
The Strength of the Enemy Supposed to be about 800 Men on Shore & one Frigate or two Sloops of War.
Benefits expected.
an acquisition of vast Stores of Merchandize & other valuables.(4) destruction of a rising trade from W.
Florida to Great Britain & the English West Indies.
a 14th State if we should resolve to receive it into our confederacy.
Lustre reflected upon the Arms of the United States.
In answer to these fine things it was Said.
The projectors should have been present, their answers to many questions which were necessary to put to them would prove they had not fully considered the Subject & that the scheme was impracticable upon their principles.(5)
If 1000 or 1200 Men could be so suddenly raised they were extremely wanted to act against the British Troops in this quarter & more as auxiliaries in the sothern States now held by a tenure very little better than the will of the Enemy. The power against which they were to act in West Florida was confessedly unknown & the junction of Army & Frigates admitting these to exist precarious in the highest degree. But where were the Frigates? If we had "3 or 4" to spare upon foreign exploits they could not be better directed than by orders to scour the Coast from E. Florida to Cape Fear whence in all probability we should derive additional Strength to our Navy & open the passage to Charles Town now become the envy of British Cruisers & the emporium of at least one half the States. Emigrants from these States had in general abandoned us & our Cause in search of Trade, of free Imports & Exports-from Such Men we could expect neither assistance nor secrecy. On the contrary they would join with numerous tribes of Indians who had not been thought of in the scheme of attack, in order to repel our Troops as the most dangerous invaders whose design was to plunder their present Stock & to cut off the means of future Supplies.
The Governor of Orleans would entertain no high estimation of our political forecast should we embark 1200 Men in dependence upon him at 1000 Miles distance for the very essentials of our expedition before treaty or even consultation & what would be the consequences if we should then fail of success.
If our Frigates found harbour at Havana we Should remember that Jamaica afforded safe anchorage to a large Squadron of British Ships of War & that the vulgar Spaniard for a little Gold would convey intelligence in a very few hours.
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1000 or 1200 Men just taken from the Mountain Air & Water sent in the latter end of October & November to lie in any Cove of brackish Water & near Salt Marshes would Sicken & die very fast. Even upon the fresh Rivers where such men were exposed to night dews huddled together & lived upon Salt food, the list of dead & non affectives would increase every day. It was vain to hope for Secrecy of an enterprize which had been often talked of in different States & long Suspected by the Enemy.
Finally that vast expence of money & Men & further disgrace on our Arms would be the result of so mad an enterprize, into which it seemed Gentlemen had been hastening merely because they could not see their way.
Your Excellency will not be displeased with the detail of this affair if you think the termination without a serious question, a fortunate event & that if the Expedition had been attempted & failed as most undoubtedly it would, that our Enemies would have been furnished with strong arguments for moving the Creek & other Indians to act offensively against So Carolina & Georgia.
From the above circumstance & Sorry I am to Say, more than a few others which I have been witness to in short three Weeks I can hardly forbear concluding that a great Assembly is in its dotage & that happily for us our Enemy is at the Same time very infirm.
I came here with great reluctance diffident of my abilities to serve my Country effectualy-from the same apprehensions heightened by what I have already Seen I wish ten thousand times more I had never come as a delegate. Mr. Middleton tells me he is to leave us in October & Mr. Heyward expects soon to follow him. Your Excellency will perceive the necessity for pressing the House of Assembly to Send as able Men in their Stead & to fill up immediately the number of our delegacy.
General Howe's movements from New York, his parade in Sight of the Jersey Shore off the Capes of Delaware, pretences of coming within the Bay, then vanishing & now appearing again on the Coast of Maryland are all enigmatical & give rise to various guesses & conjectures. A few Men celebrated for penetration & Sound judgement persist in their opinions that this City will be his first object-granting so much as I will praise him for being even more indulgent than Sir Peter Parker,(6) had he come up the River immediately after his appearance off the Bay what was there to have withstood him. Billings Port was in no preparation for defence nor Fort Island & all the work which has been Since bestowed on the former is now to pass for nothing-General Washington having in person made a survey of the River & adjacent Lands & by advice of a Council of Engineers & able Navigators recommended to abandon the former for the present & to make Fort Island our Hope.(7) Our Fire Ships & wrafts are numerous but the effect of such engines always uncertain,
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in a word our Safety if we are even now safe rests in the weakness & distraction of the Enemy.
General Washington after a most fatiguing Countermarch contrary to his own opinion encamped his Troops near German Town from whence two days ago he Marched them again to Shamony where he means to wait for intelligence of Sir William who will probably be heard of from some part of New England & we shall then know that their Ships have been Coasting a fortnight or 3 Weeks for amusement.
My Son is now of the General's family & has I presume acknowledged his obligation to your Excellency in the Letter which will accompany this. I wish he had made a choice for his outset in Life in a sphere in which he might have been more extensively useful to his Country, the mark of your Excellency's good will to one so nearly connected with me nevertheless demands & will ever have my grateful thanks.
General Burgoyne who made a most extraordinary form of a proclamation(8) the Harbinger of his Entrance into the territories of the United States Seems to bear down all before him or more properly to be marching on without opposition. A Letter the 4th Inst. from General Schuyler depicts our circumstances in that quarter in the most gloomy colours. The Public Voice is clamorous against that Officer & more so if possible against his Sub. General St. Clair. These are remanded to headquarters & orders given for an enquiry into their conduct. General Gates is gone to take the Command of the Northern department, now the immediate post of honour & 'tis generally expected that his popularity in New England will recollect those of the Militia who had by thousands forsaken his precedessor as well as bring in thousands more & that he will soon be in a condition to give Mr. Burgoyne a Check & many hope, to cut off his retreat.
From the tenor of a Proclamation issued by Sir Wm. Howe at New York restricting & regulating Imports & exports & the whole commercial department, & of another Proclamation issued by Major General Jones Commandt. of that City arranging the police & threatning Military execution upon offenders, one would think the power & authority of Mr. Tryon very slender emanations from our late King's despotic Representatives & that the Tory inhabitants lead the Comfortable Life of Camp followers.
A late determination in Congress relative to the rank of a good old Servant General Arnold will probably deprive us of that Officer & may be attended by further ill effects in the Army.9 The reasoning upon this occasion was disgusting. He was refused not because he was deficient in merit or that his demand was not well founded but because he asked for it & that granting at such instance would be derogatory to the honour of Congress. It would be tedious to relate all the particulars but a curious anecdote will arise from them. Our proceedings have also been injudicious toward many of the French & other foreign Officers too
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hastily chartered & flooded upon us by Mr. Deane. Some of these have addressed very riotous Letters to Congress & tis too certain that some of them have Solid ground for Complaint. I have no doubt but that besides disparaging reports of Congress at the Court of France Actions will be brought against Mr. Deane for breach of Covenants He has certainly Stretched his Commission if not beyond the Letter far beyond all bounds of discretion, it seems as if he could not say nay to any Frenchman who called himself Count or Chevalier.
This day's paper will show Your Excellency the fate of brave Manly in the Hancock Frigate but a very different & truer Account of his defence will soon be laid before the public. The Royal New York Gazette says the Hancock was so shattered she could not swim to New York & was therefore sent to Hallifax - our Accounts say the Flora had struck to Manly before the Rainbow came up.
The Executive Council of Pensylvania by recommendation from Congress had formed a parole to be signed by the late Officers of King George. Governor Penn & Mr. Chief Justice Chew to whom it was tendered having in the most indignant terms refused to comply, were taken into Custody this Morning & Congress have recommended to send them under guard to Virginia to be there held in confinement. It will be no misfortune if every other King's Officer & other suspected persons who are also included should follow the example of these leaders.(10)
The price of every article of traffic is most enormously advanced & very suddenly. Judge Sir of Beef 1 /6 to 2/ per pd . Butter 6/ to 7/6. Fire Wood on the Wharf £4.10/ to £5 per Chord. Salt £6 per bushel. Horses at Livery 8/ per day. Brown Sugar 7/ per pd. Rum 55/ & Madeira Wine £3 per Galln. A Labourer two Dollars per day. A yard of coarse brown Linen 15/ a ps. of Coarse Thread Hair 25/. A pair of Coarse common Shoes 26/, fine shoes 35/ & other articles in proportion, in so much that a Stranger living decently tho' sparingly will find himself at the end of £1500 Stg when the year expires without having made any addition in the mean time to his Wardrobe. I have ordered a Beaver hat & must pay £9 for it. All this is owing, in our present circumstances, to the Stoppage of foreign Trade & not to combination as some people ignorantly assert. Every House on the Road between this place & Carolina is a manufactory of Linen & most of them of Woolen also but they produce very little more than enough for their own consumption. The Farmer & Labourer will have prices in return for their commodities & Labour nearly adequate to the rates which they are obliged to pay for articles which they Stand in need of. I say nearly because the Farmer Still Sells his produce at a lower price comparatively than he formerly received. For instance a pound of Beef was formerly the exchange for a pound of Sugar, now 4 lb Beef is given for a pound of Sugar. A Chord of Fire Wood at 20/ would have purchased 10 or 15 bushels of Salt, at present the price of one bushel is a Chord & a half. The resource there-
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fore of the Farmer & labourer must be in frugality. Nothing but great frugality can save the Suspended Merchant & Money lender from ruin, & your poor distressed Delegates must fly to economy or be conducted to Gaol. These advanced prices do not arise I say from combination but are genuinely the offspring of necessity. I will prove this by an observation founded in fact & which I think will contain an answer to all that ever has been & all that ever can be said to the contrary. I had occasion lately to purchase a Gold Watch for a young friend. The article had cost in London 25 Guineas. The Merchant here demanded 300 Dollars not a farthing less. I asked how many golden Guineas will you take- answer 19. In the first case near 3 times the original price was demanded, in the latter the Commodity was offered at 25 per Cent less than prime Cost. Square Dollars would have borne only their nominal value in the purchase of domestic articles. Guineas will slide to a post where Advertisements of Just imported fill Columns of the News paper & purchase articles there which may be returned here & establish the price of the Watch at 500 Dollars. For a pipe of Madeira Wine was demanded of Mr. Heyward & Self £320-£180 Stlg ordinary per-yet my Bill upon London for £54 will pay for the Wine. The power only that can stop Delaware may attempt to stop the Channels of Exchange & Commerce among a free people, but these are at this time serious & alarming considerations & cry aloud for our utmost exertions to open a foreign Trade which is not so impossible as the next alternative the Suppression of Idleness & Luxury. Tis true our advices from our public Agents in France & at Martinique are very flattering but 'tis equally true that nothing they have Said in consequence of French promises can be depended upon & we ought to be & continue jealous of the French & Spaniard until they recognize the Independance of the States & enter into a formal Treaty. Every thing short of that point awakens my apprehensions that the original plan of partition & mutual guarantee may be revived.(11) The very loan which is made to us is insidious. The French under all their pretensions to kindness have the best Security in the World. They may receive their Capital with large Interest at the Bank of England when they please, or may compel us to pay it upon worse terms than their pitiful offer of a Livre per Acre for 300 Miles Square or 57,600,000 Acres.
I have not the least doubt of the good wishes of all the Trading & other people in the middle Life that our Independence may be established, tis probable they hold themselves Interested in the event & that many thousands already anticipate happiness in a Land of Liberty. The more this Spirit appears or is even suspected, the more artfully will the movements respecting us be conducted at Versailles. One of our Agents,(12) I mean no offence, has not discovered competency to the immense work in hand. The other(13) is on the verge of Life & judging from the ordinary course of nature must soon drop. I have urged Congress to appoint a
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proper person to repair to France in order to act as a Co-adjutator to Doctor Franklin while he lives, & in his Stead, in case of Sudden death. A precaution like this, a wise Man would take where the Interest of a Distant Rice & Indigo Plantation was concerned and by Heavens Sir we wont feel for the Salvation of thirteen plantations 1700 Miles long at a distance of a thousand Leagues. With submission I think our Treaties have been prematurely offered. Proposals should have commenced on the other side or if on ours not plumply by a schedule of all we would yield. The subtle French of whom we should ever be jealous have now an amazing advantage over us, nor can it be doubted but that our terms will be made a proper use of & held up for higher bidding. Already the British Ministry waving all resentment for the innumerable insults which have been offered to their Flag & their Trade have .proposed a largess in the Newfoundland Fishery to the French Court & we are now a hostage.(14)
LB (ScHi). Laurens' letterbook also contains a partial draft of this letter dated August 11 that includes significant variations, which are cited in the notes below.
1 See Charles Thomson's Notes of Debates, July 24 and 25, 1777.
2 In place of the last three words, Laurens wrote "at Fort Pitt" in the August 11 draft.
3 In the August 11 draft, the remainder of this sentence reads: "in order to Second the efforts on the Land side of Pensacola where vast Magazines of Merchandize, Warlike Stores & other valuables were to be Seized, the Town & fortifications to be destroyed or reserved according to circumstances."
4 The equivalent of this line in the August 11 draft reads: "an acquisition of necessary articles for our Troops & Indian Trade & of other effects."
5 In place of this paragraph, Laurens wrote in the August 11 draft: "I listened with patience to the reasonings on these points till I found the House hastening into the measure not because they saw the way but rather because they did not & had relied implicitly upon papers sent in by the out of door projectors who ought to have been examined pointedly at the Bar of the House. My objections were partly to the utility in our present circumstances but principally against the practicability."
6 The British naval commander at the battle of Sullivan's Island in June 1776.
7 See Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick), 9:45-53.
8 See Laurens to John Lewis Gervais, August 17, 1777, note 5.
9 See JCC, 8:623-24; and James Lovell to William Whipple, August 8, 1777.
10 See JCC, 8:591-92, 633-34. On August 14 former Gov. John Penn and former Chief Justice Benjamin Chew informed Congress that they were now willing to take a parole, whereupon Congress ordered the Board of War to administer one to them and reversed the order for their removal to Virginia. With the approach of the British toward Philadelphia, however, Congress changed its mind again and on August 28 instructed the board to remove Penn and Chew from Pennsylvania. See JCC, 8:641-42, 695; and PCC, item 41, 2: 27, item 78, 18:147.
11 On this point, see Richard Henry Lee to Patrick Henry, April 20, 1776, note 3.
12 Silas Deane.
13 Benjamin Franklin.
14 For the continuation of this letter, see Laurens.to Rutledge, August 15, 1777.
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John Adams to Abigail Adams
My dearest Friend Phial. Aug. 13. 1777 We have been sweltering here, for a great Number of days together, under the scalding Wrath of the Dog Star. So severe a Spell of Heat has scarcely been known these twenty Years. The Air of the City has been like the fierce Breath of an hot oven. Every Body has been running to the Pumps all day long. There has been no finding a Place of Comfort-the shade, and the very Entrys of Houses where they have the best Draughts of Air, have been scarcely tolerable. This season always affects me, deeply. It exhausts my Spirits, and takes away all my Strength of Mind and Body. I have never lived here in Dog days, without becoming so enfeebled, and irritated, as to be unable to sleep soundly and regularly and to be still more reduced by Night Sweats. If I can avoid these Inconveniences, this year, I shall be happy. But I have experienced something of it, already, altho not in any great Degree.
When the Weather is so extream, the Fatigue of even holding a Pen to write a Letter, is distressing.
We have no News from the Fleet since last Thursday when about 200 of them were seen off of Synepuxent.
What will our People do with Burgoigne? He has put himself in the Power of the People in that Quarter, and if they do not make him repent his Folly, they will be to blame. It is a Shame that such an handfull should ravage in a Country so populous.
You will see by the Papers that Manly is taken. What a Disappointment to Us! Yet We might have expected it. What rational Creatures could order two thirty Gun Frigates to cruise on the American Coast, for the Protection of Trade. They should have been ordered to some other Seas-to France, to Spaign, to the Baltic, the Mediterranean- any where but where they were.
The Ship and Men are a Loss, but We must build more.
RC (MHi). Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield), 2:310.
Samuel Adams to William Heath
My dear sir, Philade Augt 13th 1777 The Surrender of Tyconderoga has deeply wounded our Cause. The Grounds of it must be thoroughly inquired into. The People at large have a Right to demand it. They do demand it and Congress have orderd an Inquiry to be made. This Matter must be conducted with Impartiality. The Troops orderd for the Defence of that Post were cheifly from New England. It is said there was a great Deficiency in Numbers and General Schuyler tells us that a third Part of the Army
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there were Boys, Negroes and aged Men not fit for the Field or indeed any other Service. That a great Part of them were naked, without Blanketts, ill armed & very deficient in Accoutrements. Such is the Picture he draws. I wish to know as soon as possible, how many Men actually marchd for that Place from N.E. & particularly from Massachusetts Bay. What Quantity of Cloathing was sent for them & under whose Care, and how they were furnishd with Arms & Accoutrements. In short I am desirous of being informd by you as minutely as possible, of the Part taken by Muster Masters, Quartermasters, Cloathiers & their Agents and all other Persons employed in making and providing for the Army in the Northern Department, as far as it has properly fallen under your Notice & Direction.(1) Excuse me for giving you this Trouble & be assured that I am very cordially, your Freind, Samuel Adams
RC (MHi).
1 General Heath's August 27 response to Adams included this evaluation of the quality of the Massachusetts troops. "As to the ability of body of the men I can not fully determine. The greater part that I saw appeared able, but it is more than probable that there were some men advanc'd in life, and some lads and a number of negroes (the latter were generally able bodied, but for my own part I must confess I am never pleased to see them mixed with white men)." Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 7th ser. 4 (1904): 147-50.
Elbridge Gerry to the Massachusetts Board of War
Gentlemen Philadelphia August 13. 1777 The Bearer Doctor Cutting is Apothecary General of the middle District, & sent by the Director General to purchase Medicine in your State, who has desired a Line to your Board in Favour of the Doctor for assistance herein if required.(1) As You are well apprized of the Usefulness of military Hospitals, & the Reputation which they give to the Service when rendered successful, I have no Doubt that the Director General would have received your assistance upon the application of himself or any of his officers; I shall only say, that his Character is high with every Gentleman who has the pleasure of his Acquaintance & that You may depend upon an honorable Compliance with the Engagements made by him or any of the Officers employed by his Direction. I am with much Esteem, Gentlemen your very hum serv, E Gerry
RC (M-Ar).
1 Dr. John Brown Cutting also carried with him to Boston an August 14 letter of recommendation from President Hancock to Gen. William Heath, who was asked to "afford him any Assistance he may require towards dispatching the Business he has in View." Heath Papers, MHi.
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Henry Laurens to Christopher Zahn
Dear Sir,(1) Philadelphia 13th August 1777. My journey to this place was in general very pleasant & after I had left the Moravian Settlement where I found it necessary to halt two days for a Waggon we travelled very fast often 40 & sometimes 44 Miles a day. I found the air so Cool in the Mountains from the 2d July as to require a buttoned Coat & Wastcoat till the Sun had mounted an hour high. I took what is called the upper Road near 300 Miles from the Sea & to my astonishment found it upon the back of Virginia & Maryland particularly more fully inhabited than the Road between your House & Charles Town. The Farms are delightful & almost without exception abundant Crops of grain. Every Man has his patch of Flax & hemp & almost everyone a few Sheep, the Spinning Wheel & Loom to be Seen in every House & Scarce one with less than 8 Children. Thus circumstanced these people complain of want in no other article but that of Salt. They make a good Spirit from Peaches & from Barley & other grain, & Substitute honey for Sugar. The Water & Air two grand proofs of the human frame are excellent, bread the Staff of Life abundant, fine pasture, good Horses, black Cattle, Sheep, Hogs & Fowl of all kinds, & I am in hopes their complaints were rather from a fear of wanting than from absolute want of Salt although It was very scarce & every Man had his stock. In time, conquer the Country who may, that Land will become the seat of health, wealth, Arts & Science & in a very few Ages of peace be covered by Inhabitants a thousand Miles back, the prospect is unbounded.
The weather in this City has been the last fortnight day & night very hot, Some days & nights more disagreeable so than ever I found it in Charlestown. This may be from the Same cause to which we ascribe the intolerable Cold Sometimes felt in that warmer Climate, the Sudden & extreme change of the Air. My health is as good as ever.
Mr. Ball & the two Negro Boys have passed Safely & with very little inconvenience through the Small Pox.
Mr. White is at home in this City & has not yet put on his War hat.
My Son John is in the family of General Washington who is now encamped about 35 Miles from hence waiting to learn the destination of Sir William Howe who has been amusing us with inexplicable movements for near a Month past. About the middle of July he embarked Horses & Troops in the Bay of New York & in a few days a pompous fleet of 250 Sail in two divisions passed Sandy Hook to Sea, in a few days more one half of them were so near in the Jersey Shoar as to be Seen distinctly, next apparently the whole fleet paraded near the Capes of Delaware & 228 Sail counted by our Look out & the shew of coming in was so much in earnest that the Officer at the look out advised that about 40 or 60 Sail were at Anchor within the Bay & the rest of the fleet moving in fast. Next Morning they were at Sea again & about the
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1st Augt were Standing with a Southerly Wind E.N.E. By that time they must have been informed that General Washington had Marched his Troops to the banks of Delaware in order to meet Sir William below this City. Here we concluded the fleet after the Commanders had by so deep a feint effected their purpose of drawing off General Washington from North River & Sufficiently harrassed his Troops by long Countermarches had now Sailed again for North River in order to effect a junction with General Burgoyne who had found an easy, too easy, a passage into the territories of the Eastern States. But to our amazement twelve days are past, we learn nothing of Sir William, but of his fleet we have assurance that near an hundred Sail have been seen on the Coast of Maryland & tis the opinion of our deepest politicians that this place is still their object. If so I will not allow Sir William Howe & his Council to be deep politicians. We must have patience, a day or two more will unfold this riddle.
The loss of Ticonderoga has raised universal complaints against General Schuyler & General St. Clair, the former who was Commander in Cheif for neglect of duty by absence from his post-the latter for abandoning the post & immense Stores without an attempt to Save either. They are both remanded in order to answer to an enquiry into their conduct. In this State 'tis but generous to forbear censure. General Gates is gone to take upon him the Command of that department, 'tis now the very post of Honour, he is a great favorite of the Eastern people who will join him with alacrity. If he gives a Check to Burgoyne his name & his memory will be ever dear, indeed upon his efforts & success all that Country & I may say the Cause of America depends. Burgoyne announced his Entry by the herald of a pompous proclamation in which he is equally lavish in friendly promises to Tories & faint Hearts & in threats of the severest punishment to all those who dare to oppose him. There is no doubt if he had it in his power of his keeping Strictly up to the letter, but unhappily for those who trusted him he has failed of his promises to his friends. His Indian Allies have indiscriminately butchered Men but chiefly Women & Children who had in obedience to his mandate remained quietly at home. Such Scenes of Carnage as he has exhibited are shocking to the last degree. We hope his progress will be stopped by General Gates & Men who know the Country say his retreat may be cut off. The News papers which I inclose with this will give you many particulars.
Intelligence from our Agents in France & at Martinico is very flattering. The French Court have lent us a pretty large Sum of Money & have given assurances of continuing to supply us with Merchandize & Warlike Stores & that all their ports shall be open to our Ships, but go no further. They will not yet recognize our Independence nor enter into Treaty with us as a free & distinct people. Until they do both I will have no dependence upon French promises. They have the best Security in the
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World for this Money which they may receive with large Interest when they please at the Bank of England, or may compel us to pay four fold in Land which they Seem to aim at but touch the Subject cautiously. The British Ministry in order to tempt them to abandon us have already made one concession by an offer to enlarge their bounds of Fishery on the banks of New Foundland, probably they wait to hear what further offer those abandoned wretches will make, & at length when both Britain & the United States are nearly exhausted to carve for themselves. Our Cause is good, I am Satisfied we shall under all disadvantages support it. Our Harbours in these middle States having been long locked up by British Cruizers every Specie of foreign Goods is become Scarce & the prices greatly enhanced. The Farmers & Labourers have enhanced their demands nearly but not altogether in proportion-consequently those who have no Trade, or farm are greatly oppressed. I am one in that Class & you will judge of the vast expence I [am] at to live even Sparingly from the following Specimen:
Butter 5/to a Dollar per pound. Beef & other Butchery 1/6 to 2/. Fire Wood 13 to 14 Dollars a Chord. Brown Sugar one, & Loaf Sugar three dollars a pound. A pair coarse thread stockings 4 1/2 Dollar to 6 Dollars. Shoes 4 to 5 Dollars a pair. Rum 7 1/2 dollars & Wine 9 Dollars a Gallon. A Fish not sufficient for one Man's meal a Dollar & upward. Coarse brown Linen 3 to 4 Dollars a Yard. A Beaver Hat 20 to 24 Dollars. Eggs a Doz 1/2 of a Dollar & upward. These extravagancies hurt a few but do not tend to ruin the Country as many people erroneously assert.
We are overrun with French Men, Marquis's, Counts, Barons & Chevaliers in Search of Commissions & the honour of fighting in the cause of Liberty are living here at a very dear rate & we have no employment equal to their expectations.
I say nothing of my affairs at Sante under your protection. I have nothing to say because I am confident you will do all for me that is necessary. I beg you will assure Mr McCullogh of my desire to be his friend & also to Burnet & Martin. I expect you will favour me with a Line of intelligence when occasions require & I beg you will beleive that I continue with great regard
LB (ScHi).
1 Christopher Zahn, South Carolina assemblyman and planter, was one of several South Carolinians keeping watch over Laurens' manifold business affairs during his service in Congress. Raymond Starr, ed., "Letters from John Lewis Gervais to Henry Laurens, 1777-1778," South Carolina Historical Magazine 66 (January 1965): 26.
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