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Prosperity and Thrift: The Coolidge Era and the Consumer Economy, 1921-1929
Boone Papers. Chapter on President Coolidge from the Memoirs of His Physician, Joel T. Boone.
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(Taped
13JAN65)
My wife and I stopped over in Harrisburg to spend the night at the little hotel named The Senator, as we were too tired to proceed on to Pottsville after our very busy and strenuous period at Mercersburg.
The next morning we left for Pottsville and arrived there before noon. I was immediately notified that Mercersburg was me to know that Doctor Irvine had been stricken very ill during step songs. As was his custom, he led step songs singing with a little short megaphone. On this particular occasion, after the boys had been singing a number of songs, he stood up and called out to them through his megaphone that they were not singing as loudly and lustily and not putting everything into their singing as they had on some other occasions. Now he wished them to sing one of his favorite songs and give it everything they had, which was "Old Black Joe, I Hear The Angels Calling". Almost simultaneously as he made that announcement, he was stricken, losing consciousness and had to be carried to North Cottage and put to bed. Sometime later in the evening or during the night, he regained consciousness and said: "They have stopped singing. Why? Tell the boys to go on
e
and sing!"
It was determined to return to Mercersburg to see what I could do, if anything, for Doctor Irvine. My wife and I had lu
cn
{begin inserted text}nc{end inserted text}
h with her father, Judge Koch. He was very much absorbed with forthcoming Republican National Convention. He discussed many people and issues with us. He had been elected as a delegate to the convention. I told
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him as a delegate to stick "to Hoover at the convention".
My wife and I returned to Mercersburg
my plans to go to my college, Hahnemann, in Philadelphia, reunion. Doctor Irvine was very sick and
asked
{begin inserted text}grasped{end inserted text}
my hand as I entered his sickroom and showed and expressed deep appreciation for my coming back to see him and that I would stay with him for a bit.
The next day, June 8, had consultations at Mercersburg with Doctor Irvine's physicians. I was very uncomfortable feeling things weren't going right possibly with Mrs. Coolidge. Late in the day I felt I should return to Washington, which I did, driving direct to the White House and arriving there at 9 p. m. The President was over at his Executive Offices. I sensed there must be something very special going on politicalwise to have him at his Executive Offices at nighttime.
When I saw Mrs. Coolidge, I was shocked. She looked perfectly terrible. Upon inquiring of her what had taken place and
sh
why she didn't send for me, she said she did not wish to spoil my trip to Mercersburg and to Pottsville, and so would not have a message sent to me. She had a return of her previous condition which had given us such deep concern some weeks before. I said to her: "Oh
,
Washington, oh Washington!" and she said to me, "Just that." I knew exactly what she meant. Tensions and strains, I felt, had precipitated the return of her previous illness. I was very, very worried and upset about her, even more so when I ascertained add learned what treatment was being administered to her. It was obvious to me that she was being given some medicine, heavy dosage, to control pain and looked as though she were doped. Her mouth was dry, her eyes had an unnatural stare. I inquired whether Doctor Young of
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of Johns Hopkins had been consulted. I was informed he had not been. I thought to myself, "Oh God, what a way to practice medicine!"
The next morning I reviewed Mrs. Coolidge's condition with Coupal who seemed very loath to inform me of all that had transpired and as to all the facts resulting in Mrs. Coolidge's present condition, which was very obvious to me. I tried to be as diplomatic as possible, truly incensed within myself to find that Mrs. Coolidge had been receiving such treatment as was obvious, except he would not disclose to me exactly what medication he was giving her when I inquired why she appeared to be so doped. I knew in the past he had not always told the truth. He misinformed patients, concealed the facts which they had a right to know, a number of occasions he was not forthright, but dealt too smoothly. I informed him that Doctor Young had suggested Doctor George White of the Naval Medical Corps, Naval Hospital, was informed of Mrs. Coolidge's condition and he had helped when Doctor Young had conducted his examinations at the Naval Hospital. He advised Doctor White what local treatment should be used if treatments recur. Coupal said he had forgotten Doctor Young had left directions to be applied by Doctor White should Mrs. Coolidge have a recurrence of her condition, and they did not include oral medication, but, rather, were for local administration. Coupal then said that, while he had forgotten
his
these instructions of Doctor Young, now that I reminded him of them, he remembered exactly what they were. I felt sure that Mrs. Coolidge could have been spared this re
o
ccurrence; at least, it could have been very
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much shortened if the local treatment, as directed to be given by Doctor Young, had been
t
utilized.
The next day, Sunday, the 10th, I
spend
{begin inserted text}spent{end inserted text}
the morning with Mrs. Coolidge at the White House. She remained in bed, but showed some improvement. As the treatment Doctor Young had
b
prescribed was now being applied, she was showing beneficial response and seemed stronger. She encouraged me to return to Mercersburg to see Doctor Irvine, whom she loved and admired very greatly, and she was very worried about him and desired me to see for myself how he
h
was and to bring back word to her.
I felt by seeing Doctor Irvine I might be helpful to him, but also I realized by seeing him myself and bringing word to Mrs. Coolidge, if it were favorable news, it would contribute to her improvement. Her condition was very sensitive to a disturbed nervous system and worrying and anxiety.
I took my wife and daughter and my uncle and aunt, Admiral and Mrs. Dyson, with me to Mercersburg. When I went into Doctor Irvine's sickroom, he looked up, put out his hand and grasped it and said: "Joel, my boy, my boy." I could not help but feel he must sense some reassurance to have me return to see him. I was asked to consult with the doctors who were Sutton, Bagley, and Nevin as to Doctor Irvine's condition. {begin inserted text}Four of them{end inserted text} were encouraged. They spoke optimistically of Doctor Irvine's condition. Somehow, I was not reassured. The fact that he talked and laughed almost unnaturally caused me some anxiety. I returned to Washington late that afternoon or early evening.
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)
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)
In relation to Mr. Coolidge's "I do not choose..." statement made in the summer of 1927 in the Bla
d
{begin inserted text}c{end inserted text}
k Hills
Excerpts from "Ike" Hoover's book:
"Well before the President planned to go away for the summer he had many offers of places that could be made available for him for a summer vacation. As a matter of fact they were unlimited. Foremost consideration naturally would be dictated by the President where he felt he would be most comfortable and have the most p
i
eace of mind, particularly if his statement made in the Black Hills had any real significance. He finally made the decision to go to Brule, Wisconsin. It hardly seemed the place that would provide the greatest amount of comfort and certainly from
{begin inserted text}what{end inserted text}
people had heard about it, it would give him solitude and fishing. As I have earlier said in these memoirs, Mrs. Coolidge was very disappointed for her to go so far away with her mother so very seriously ill because Mrs. Coolidge could realize that life
that I
could not be continued very long. She naturally did not want to be so far from Massachusetts, wished to be where she could return as often as frequently to her mother's bedside. She was her mother's only relative living.
"(Still from Hoover's book?) The President must have had very valid reasons for making the decision to go to the Brule, but he did not give explanation and, as customary, retained a silence about it. The Black Hills statement was speculated upon not only in the newspapers and magazines but by the public seemed at large, certainly by those of us who were near President Coolidge and were associated with him for some time. There was a great deal of gossip
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around the White House and in the Executive Offices. Feeling that the President was hoping, (as "Ike" Hoover said) "that the nomination would come to him," with "Ike" adding that the President was making no plans for leaving, as was customary along about this time on the part of those who do not expect another term. He watched the chance of a likely candidate as a dog watches a rat hole. When there was a boom for the Secretary of Commerce, the President refused, in spite of the entreaties of Mr. Hoover's friends, to say a word in favor of his candidacy. The situation was embarrassing to those close to the President. There was no question that he would accept a draft, if it came to him without having to be openly solicitous," as interpreted by "Ike" Hoover.
"Secretary of Commerce Hoover's boom continued to grow by leaps and bounds", Hoover observed.
"It seemed everybody was watching everybody else and ears were flapping and [???]ick to the ground and pick up tidbits and who said what and how valid any such statements could be interpreted, accepted.
"Ike" Hoover in his book reported that Ambassadors began coming back to the United States, which was usually their custom before national conventions of one party or another, whichever party was in power. Ambassador Morrow came back from Mexico. He was being mentioned as a possible choice for the presidential nomination, but "Ike" Hoover says there were {begin inserted text}no{end inserted text} signs of it at the White House.
Continuing to quote from "Ike":
"Morrow is vainly endeavoring to find out himself if 'I do not
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choose' has come to mean anything. He is quite as much in the dark as the rest. He dare not ask the President for countless reasons, but he is anxious to know, for others are looking to him for enlightenment. His conferences with Dawes, Hoover, Mellon--the first two rather formal, the third long and significant. The Secretary of the Treasury bluntly inquire
d
{begin inserted text}s{end inserted text}
of him, 'Will the President accept?' Morrow replies, 'The only way to find out is to nominate him.' The guessing game continues in many circles. No one has the answers to exactly what the President meant by his statement. The more
{ILLEGIBLE}
guessed, the more there was bewilderment. The last cabinet meeting before the departure for Wisconsin
{begin inserted text}with/for/of{end inserted text}
the President was four days before the convention was to begin in Kansas City. The last cabinet meeting present was Secretary Kellogg, Secretary Mellon, Attorney General Sargent, Postmaster General New, Secretary of the
{begin inserted text}President{end inserted text}
Navy Wilbur, Secretary of Commerce Hoover. Press had Hoover present
{ILLEGIBLE}
to be a fact and that he was the most likely choice
convention provided the President was not himself to be considered. (End of quote???)
"Ike" Hoover said, "There sat Mellon to whom everybody seemed looking for a word that would either
knock
nominate the President give him a chance to decline or throw the strength of his influence to Hoover and
then
{begin inserted text}end{end inserted text}
the ordeal."
Reported that not a word had passed at the Cabinet meeting that had any relation to the forthcoming Republican Convention, nor was there any mention of likely candidates.
"Ike" Hoover said that he knew all this on the highest authority (") and
I
"Ike" was one who learned a great deal about what was going on,
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even in the highest circles No one had ever heard such a similar situation ever having existed in American politics.
{begin inserted text}(p.175,
42 Yrs.
intheW.H.
){end inserted text}
"Ike" said: "Those in the center of the stage knew no more of real intent ons of the principal actor than the man in the street. It is no secret that Mellon delayed hi
d
{begin inserted text}s{end inserted text}
departure several days, hoping to have some word. Again and again he asked those who mighe be in a position to know if the President would accept the nomination. No satisfactory answer came; none could come except from the President."
The day the convention
e
opened in Kansas City, June 12, 1928, Mrs. Coolidge was confined to her bed ill in the White House. That day was a Tuesday and as he went to his office he remembered that it was the usual day for a cabinet meeting. Most of his cabinet were already in Kansas City. According to "Ike" Hoover (p.175):
"However, he immediately gave orders that all cabinet members in the city be summoned at the regular time of meeting, knowing full well that most of them had gone. In response to his call there came only the Attorney General, Mr. Sargent, and the Secretary of Commerce, Mr. Hoover. The meeting of these two members with the President lasted less than half an hour, nothing really of importance hav
e
{begin inserted text}i{end inserted text}
ng been discussed, as I was told at the end of the meeting by one of those present."
{begin inserted text}(p.175){end inserted text}
"... The President was still mentioned as a possible candidate, regardless of what
{ILLEGIBLE}
interpretation might be put on 'I do not choose.'"
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{begin inserted text}(p.176){end inserted text} "Ike" Hoover recorded: "... that the President, in the midst of all his silence, wished for just such a situation. We firmly believed, and when asked did not hesitate to say, that he would accept.
"Later in the morning came the news that the idea of drafting had been abandoned and that those who were foremost in the cause had decided to support Mr. Hoover. This came to the President's knowledge just before lunch-time and the effect it created was shocking. It seemed to fall like a bomb on his wishes, his hopes, his aspirations."
"Ike" Hoover said (p.176):
"
"We heard principally from the newspapers that Mellon and Butler were definitely going over to the cause of Hoover. There was dismay at the White House, there was sadness, disappointment, regret. Word came that Butler inferred the President favored the candidacy of his Secretary of Commerce to any other. A short, snappy telegram to Butler was promptly dispatched, saying that he had no right to make such an announcement. A denial was promptly received that any announcement had been made. But by now it was apparently settled that Mr. Hoover was to be the nominee.
"The President came back to the White House visibly distressed. He was a changed man. It was evident to all, especially to the keen eye of his physician who was present at the very time, being in attendance upon Mrs. Coolidge. So plain was it that the doctor made sympathetic
e
comments and did what he could to restore his chief's peace of mind."
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I was the physician to whom "Ike" Hoover is referring in this instance.
"Ike" Hoover narrated (p.176):
"On the same floor with the President's room, to which he retired immediately, there was a radio going full blast. There was also one in Mrs. Coolidge's room reporting the preliminary proceedings of the Convention. The President took no notice of either of them, forgetting even to stop in Mrs. Coolidge's room, which was his invariable custom when he came over to the house from the office. He threw himself across (p.177) the bed and lay there a long time. He had no lunch and only when the physician came out a couple of times to inquire, at the suggestion of the President, for word of the Convention doings, did we know the drift of his thoughts. He remained in his room the rest of the day and night, not emerging until nearly eleven o'clock the next morning...."
{begin inserted text}(In one?){end inserted text}
None of my recordings pertaining to June 12, as I wrote them earlier in these memoirs, made reference to the President's remaining in his room that particular day hobbling about on what he called his sore heel,
{begin inserted text}(not?){end inserted text}
even going into Mrs. Coolidgets room to see her all day.
"Ike" Hoover concluded his narrations in regard to "I do not choose" statement recorded in his book he stated (p.177) that "the phrase will live on for years as one of the most remarkable political utterances in the history of our country. In my opinion, and in the opinion of others close to the President, it was never meant to bring about the results it did. Rather it was an utterance made on the spur of the moment for a certain political effect, intended to feel out the situation. In plain words the President hoped to be the nominee, expected to be
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the nominee, and was disappointed and distressed when he was not chosen by the Convention."
That is "Ike" Hoover's surmisal, one shared By many other public officials, people in many walks of life. Only President Coolidge who could have disclosed exactly what he meant by the statement, "I do not choose to run". Then he said ("Ike", p. 177):
"Naturally they turned first (those who were disappointed that the President did not disclose exactly what he meant) on the President himself, saying that he had played the game of silence in this instance far beyond the reasonable bounds and for once had made a failure of it."
"Ike" said, the President having failed to clarify his statement, (p. 178) "...he had found himself in an awkward position from which he could not with propriety get himself out, and permitted his friends to become just as much
i
enmeshed as he was himself."
"Ike", reaching concluding comments in his book in regard to this unusual and historic statement of President Coolidge, added (p. 179):
"After the nomination of Secretary Hoover, Coolidge lost all interest in the Convention. He was a sick man. When told that Senator Curtis had been nominated for the Vice-Presidency he replied that he did not care who was nominated, and said it with a show of anger, as if he did not wish to be bothered. At {begin inserted text}{begin handwritten}a{end handwritten}{end inserted text} nother time when told of the proceedings he said he didn't wish to hear anything about it. So the Convention went on and adjourned with as little interest for him as could be possibly imagined."
Those who observed him at
{ILLEGIBLE}
felt he was emotionally?
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The next morning at 8 o'clock the head usher, "Ike" Hoover, telephoned me that the President wished to see me before I saw Mrs. Coolidge. Upon arrival at the White House I went direct to the President's office to see him at the Executive Offices. He was in a terrible humor. Before I entered the President's immediate office, Ted Clark forewarned me to be very careful in dealing with the President that particular day. When I entered the President's office, he yelled out that Mrs. Coolidge had "colic" all night and did not notify him nor anyone else and this morning was exhausted. He was frightfully mad. I knew she should not have suffered as she apparently did, but had borne it secretly. I had left instructions to be notified by her or any others that knew that she was in distress to notify me immediately. I was at home throughout that night from early evening and could very quickly have responded, had I known of her condition. The President talked to me for about 20 minutes. He wanted my opinion of the cause of Mrs. Coolidge's condition. He said Coupal thought it was "indigestion", with which I very frankly differed and so informed the President. I told the President of Doctor Young's advice and suggestions, instructions, that his specific request that he be informed should such symptoms recur. The President than had Coupal sent for and the three of us had a long conference. The President then instructed me to telephone Doctor Young, which I did immediately. Very busy day for trying to do all I could for Mrs. Coolidge and have several conferences with the President and also contacting Doctor Young. Temperature rose to a very alarming height. The President was most anxious to get underway for Wisconsin
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where he was to spend the summer on the Brule River, a place that had been selected for him and which he thought would be a
s
desirable one for him and Mr Coolidge to spend the summer.
He
{begin inserted text}She{end inserted text}
did not want to go out to Brule at all. She did not want to get so very far away from her very ill mother. It upset her greatly to anticipate going to Wisconsin. All this had certainly played a part in the recurrence of her former ailment. As I said, the nervous system upset had a direct relation to her ailment. When I found Mrs. Coolidge's temperature so high, she was not doing well, I asked Doctor Young to come to the White House, which he did, arriving at 8 p.m.
He agreed with me as to the probable cause of this recurrence and advised local irrigations the next day if the temperature went up.
The President was in a highly excited, emotional state. Of course, he was worried about Mrs. Coolidge, but he was fighting with himself whether to call off his going to Wisconsin or delay it. Finally late that evening, departure for Wisconsin was called off. [???] remained at the White House till 11 o'clock that evening, having been there and tremendously busy from 8 o'clock in the morning. I was passing {begin inserted text}through{end inserted text} , as were some others at the White House, a truly surcharged atmosphere. Before I left the White House, it was announced that owing to the illness of Mrs. Coolidge it had been decided to postpone temporarily the departure of the Presidential party for Wisconsin, with the additional information provided to the public that Mrs. Coolidge's illness was not regarded by her physicians as serious, but it was felt by them that the postponement of so fatiguing a trip was advisable. I was much relieved to have Mrs. Coolidge remain
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in the White House for the timebeing. I knew there would be a great strain for all concerned produced by the postponement temporarily of the President's and Mrs. Coolidge's departure for Wisconsin. I was not accompanying them there.
Mrs. Coolidge wished me to keep in very close contact with her mother and act as the liaison between Northampton and her out in Wisconsin, and to go to see Mrs. Goodhue just as frequently as seemed advisable and necessary. Also, it was felt that I should be aboard the MAYFLOWER that summer, as she was to be cruising and had had arranged quite an active schedule. Cruising would be in New England waters, for the most part. It was felt that I could be kept in very close touch with Mrs. Goodhue's physicians and that I could be put ashore almost anywhere quite readily to get to her bedside if ever the occasion demanded, make as frequent visits to her bedside, even when there was not an emergency, so that I could keep Mrs. Coolidge informed. I felt that I could contribute as much wellbeing as possible while she was in Wisconsin if I were close aboard, as it were, to her mother's bedside.
The next day, June 12th, I was stunned and shocked to the depths of my being by the news of Doctor Irvine's death at Mercersburg. I recorded in my notes that I had never theretofore lost control of myself so completely with any news or any event in my life as I did in receiving the news of Doctor Irvine's death. I was truly who heartbroken. I adored that great man {begin inserted text}who{end inserted text} from the day I met him had inspired me and gave me a guidance September 1908 until his death, and ever since, up until 1965, as I am recording these memoirs,
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was he one of the most vital guideposts in my
have ever revered his memory, have kept him
in
very close in my heart and in my mind as I traveled over the way of life. He has been just a heroic a figure in my life in death as he was in life. I couldn't think of Mercersburg without his leadership, example, and pronouncements and betterment of others.
All the depths of my sorrow on the day of Doctor Irvine's death, it was fortunate I was terribly, terribly busy taking care of Mrs. Coolidge. I again telephoned to Doctor Young, because of symptoms Mrs. Coolidge was producing. He had recommended a local treatment carried on exactly as he had [???]
us. Coupal would not agree
to
with the therapy that Doctor Young recommended. Doctor Young was one of the most eminent physicians in his specialty in the United States with practically a world reputation. Coupal was not in any sense a physician particularly knowledgeable about that specialty. There was not justifiableness for to take issue
iwt
with a physician of such stature in his specialty as Doctor Young.
While Doctor Young was in Washington on the 12th of June, I took him to the Naval Medical School laboratories to recheck all the specimens that had been and were being examined in Mrs. Coolidge's case.
The President directed me to have Miss Beet, the Navy nurse, returned to the White House to look after Mrs. Coolidge.
The next day I was rushed all day treating Mrs. Coolidge and in conferences with President Coolidge
,
and Coupal, discussing a decision whether a start could be made for Wisconsin that night. I was put very much on the spot. Very hard decision to face up to.
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I sensed the great responsibility that I felt was mine as the physician in direct charge of Mrs. Coolidge's case. Local treatment was proving beneficial. With the passing of the hours, as she was watched very carefully by me, I saw that Mrs. Coolidge was showing improvement.
At the same time the President was showing many signs of a little disturbance. I thought it could become so serious that it may be some temperamental derangement, even of a temporary nature, that I certainly would hope would be the case; nothing of a deep-seated one. He wanted to get out to Wisconsin. He did not want to be in Washington when the Republican National Convention convened, wanted more isolation he felt he would have out there than in Washington. He wanted to be in the Middle West. He was almost like a caged lion. I recognized that we had not one patient to think about, but we had of a potential patient
to
{begin inserted text}of{end inserted text}
whom to give very serious consideration. I certainly did not with the President's health to break down. We had to do everything to fortify it, and I felt a responsibility in that regard as one of the physicians at the White House. At the same time I had knowledge to give me reason to be very concerned about I Mrs. Coolidge, whether she would be harmed by permitting a too-early departure
for
from the White House by train for Wisconsin.
{begin inserted text}{begin handwritten}Insert 9 lines from page 1009{end handwritten}{end inserted text}
Ted Clark conferred with Coupal and me and pressed us hard to let the President and Mrs. Coolidge depart for Wisconsin. He said I the President was definitely showing to him mental sickness, actions that were being taken place at the convention. Also said the
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newspapermen were putting pressure on him, Ted, for a statement as to what, as to when a departure would be made for Wisconsin.
Weighing all these factors as clearly as possible, prayerfully trying to the best of my ability to arrive at a sound decision and impart as a recommendation to the President.... I was then not 38 years of age and the decision that I must make weighed very heavily upon me, but I knew that I would be unworthy to occupy the position that I was occupying as a physician to President and Mrs. Coolidge if I did not show competency in reaching a decision, sound decision.
The train had been loaded and standing on a siding for two days.
Coupal and I conferred with the President in regard to the decision for them to leave that evening. I did the talking to the President. I said: "It would be reasonably safe for them to start [???]if Mrs. Coolidge had not temperature
in
that afternoon."
I had
President arrange for Mrs. Coolidge to board the train at 8 p.m. on a siding. I accompanied the party to the station. I had a long talk with the President about Mrs. Coolidge's condition and the present state of health and what I thought it might be for some time. I advised the President to have Mrs. Coolidge go to the Mayo Clinic at Rochester, Minnesota, if she were not
b
better, but I felt that after she got to Wisconsin the strain of this last recurrence of her illness and the trip over, she saw that the President was released from certain emotional factors, that her health would be better. I advised that if she did not get along well
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and had another recurrence of her old ailment, that she should go to the Mayo Clinic at Rochester, Minnesota. But I did conclude that I thought she would be able to weather the summer reasonably well, but I emphasized that a great deal of rest would be essential to follow. as a regime for her
{ILLEGIBLE}
{begin inserted text}to follow.{end inserted text}
I also told him that a factor bearing on her improvement would be how her mother got along through the summer.
{begin inserted text}Para.{end inserted text}
I was not to go to the Brule for two reasons that I knew of. One was that Mrs. Coolidge wanted me to stay in the East near enough to reach her mother in an emergency and go to see her as often
{begin inserted text}and{end inserted text}
as frequently as
{begin inserted text}it{end inserted text}
would seem to
{begin inserted text}be{end inserted text}
required and to act as the liaison between her mother's sickbed and her out on the Brule. I was to telephone her as frequently as I desired to as ci
e
{begin inserted text}r{end inserted text}
cumstances in connection with her mother's health would require. The second reason was that the MAYFLOWER was going to cruise in New England waters that summer and it was desirable that I remain with the ship. The commanding officer said that I could be
{begin inserted text}put{end inserted text}
asho
w
{begin inserted text}r{end inserted text}
e at almost any point if circumstances would require my presence at Northampton, and whenever in port at any reasonable distance from Northampton I would be ordered officially to go to Northampton to check up on Mrs. Goodhue,
keep in very close touch with Doctory Hayes, Mrs. Goodhue's physician.
Miss Beet was ordered to accompany Mrs. Coolidge to Wisconsin.
Her temperature was taken after she was aboard the train that evening. I found her temperature had risen somewhat, but when I informed the President of that fact, he seemed very much surprised.
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Again was looking very, very badly indeed, but was indeed game to make the trip. Felt it was her duty to accompany the President and play any part, {begin inserted text}making it possible{end inserted text} make it impossible, for him to have some of the load presently upon his shoulders released.
I chatted with Mrs. Coolidge and Miss Beet on the train for quite a while before I left it. The President was very gratified that I had made the suggestion of having the car on a siding.
I meant to incorporate in these writings that the day before their departure, {begin inserted text}just{end inserted text} the day after departure from Washington for Wisconsin had been postponed, the President stayed in his own bedroom the day before departure for Wisconsin. The day after the departure had been temporarily postponed. He was highly emotionally disturbed, did not wish to see anybody, hobbled about on a sore heel.
Mrs. Coolidge said in reference to the heel situation that "the elephant must have stepped on it."
The President had told Coupal that he "had convention fever". {begin inserted text}{begin handwritten}Transpose to page 1006.{end handwritten} Insert {begin handwritten}regarding Republican National Convention{end handwritten}{end inserted text}
The presidential party having left Washington the night before June 14th I left for Mercersburg at 6:30 in the morning with my wife accompanying me to attend Doctor Irvine's funeral. It was a terribly tough emotional day following the great strain I had aben {begin inserted text}been{end inserted text} under for several days at the White House.
I was really very much surprised at the reaction of Mrs. Irvine as to new Headmaster proposal to replace Doctor Irvine. The President of the Board of Regents at that time was Colonel James Barnes. He had been the best man for Doctor and Mrs. Irvine when they were
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{begin handwritten}{ILLEGIBLE} 13 after Coolidges left for {ILLEGIBLE}{end handwritten}
(INSERT)
(Excerpts from Mr. Hoover's Memoirs which covered the period 1920--1933.)
"
Mr. Hoover in his memoirs covering the period 1920--1933, I shall quote excerpts from Chapter 27, which is headed, "The Republican Nomination":
{begin inserted text}(p.190){end inserted text}
"On August 2, 1927, Mr. Coolidge issued his cryptic statement, 'I do not choose to run for President in 1928.' At th
at
{begin inserted text}e{end inserted text}
time, I was attending the annual Bohemian Club encampment in
{begin inserted text}the{end inserted text}
California
R
{begin inserted text}r{end inserted text}
edwoods, recuperating from the month
{begin inserted text}s{end inserted text}
of relief work in the Mississippi flood.... Like most other people, I was puzzled by Mr. Coolidge's statement. The word 'choose' has various connotations in its New England usage. I determined at once to say nothing until I could have a talk with the President.
"We were both back in Washington by September, and at once I called upon him saying that I had received a deluge of urgings from friends to give some indication of my attitude. I said that I felt the country had great confidence in him; I would prefer to continue as a Cabinet officer under him; and that I would appreciate it if he could tell me whether his statement was absolutely conclusive. He made no direct reply. I stated to the press that Mr
s
. Coolidge should be renominated. The President certainly enjoyed the amazing volume of curiosity and the discussion that his statement had evoked and apparently did not want to end it. Nor did he ever do so.
"On two occasions I tried again to renew the discussion with him. In February the question was forced by a publicized inquiry by leading
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citizens of Ohio as to whether I would allow my name to be placed on the Ohio primary ballot....
{begin inserted text}(p. 191){end inserted text}
asked if he (the President) intended to allow his name to be filed in the Ohio primary. He simply said, 'No'. As to myself,
I
he said, 'Why not?'
"Therefore, I accepted the invitation of my Ohio friends on February 12, 1928.
"Aside from a short acceptance letter to the Ohio leaders I did not deliver, prior to the convention, a single speech or issue a single press statement having any political connotation. So far as I was concerned, the party should make its decision on the basis of my public record.
"I never appointed a 'manager', but a group of men gradually came together and informally took over the pre-convention campaign. .
The
. ."
Mr. Hoover states that active candidate in the United States Senate was most of the United States Senate itself, observing that the Senate did not wish to have Lowden (Governor of Illinois) or me nominated; felt, having succeeded in getting one of their own members elected President in the person of Mr. Harding, liking the idea, felt they wanted to nominate another one from their own body and they evidenced they wished to keep control over the nomination. The House of Representatives, Mr. Hoover said, acted differently. Great majority of the members of the House under the leadership of Congressman Burton supporting Mr. Hoover.
To continue the quote from Mr. Hoover's memoirs:
"There were over half a dozen candidates from the Senate. Vice President Dawes, Senators Watson, Curtis, Goff, Steiwer, and Willis were the most active. The favorite among them, if there was one, was Senator Curtis, the Senate Republican leader. Their supporters were
unl
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united on a deluge of attacks upon me....
{begin inserted text}(p.193){end inserted text} "By the middle of May, our friends had some 400 sure delegates out of the possible 1,000. I then went to Mr. Coolidge again. I stated this fact, and that I was in a position to influence most of them to vote for him. While some were required by the primary laws to vote for me on the first ballot, I still thought he would be nominated upon the first ballot, and that I should be entirely content to serve under him. He was skeptical as to the 400, saying, 'If you have 400 delegates, you better keep them.' I could get no more out of him.
"The Pennsylvania delegation with a group from New York and Connecticut for some time appeared to be the balance of power.... The Pennsylvania delegation had a meeting late in May and decided to vote as a unit and not to come to any conclusions until they reached the convention. Secretary Mellon dominated the delegation, and I was of course sitting with him in the Cabinet twice a week. I was aware that he was constantly pressing the President to run again and assuring his friends that the Coolidge ac
d
{begin inserted text}c{end inserted text}
eptance was a certain
l
{begin inserted text}t{end inserted text}
y....
{begin inserted text}(p.194){end inserted text}
Governor Frank Lowden was a man eminently fitted for the Presidency.... He was unable to secure the support of the Senate group, o
f
{begin inserted text}r{end inserted text}
he could have been nominated at this time. Although I was not then acquainted with him, he later became one of my most devoted friends.
"... there was much clatter about 'Stop Hoover'. But the evening before the convention opened Mr. Mellon telephoned me from Kansas City that the Pennsylvania delegation would meet the following morning, and 'I am going to recommend that they vote for you on the first ballot.' He asked that nothing be said about it. About two hours later, the press
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representatives rang me up to say that Senator Vare of Pennsylvania had announced that he and his friends in the Pennsylvania delegation were going to split off from the Mellon group and vote for me. I disliked Vare for adequate reasons, as did Mr. Mellon. It was obvious that he had sensed Mr. Mellon's intentions and wa
t
nted to get out in front....
"I have never been able to explain fully Mr. Coolidge's attitude in this matter but I was convinced he was not seeking the nomination either directly or indirectly. On October 10, 1928, Senator Curtis, who was by then my running mate as Vice Presidential candidate, told me that Mr. Coolidge had indicated his favor of Curtis's nomination. If true, it was a natural selection for Mr. Coolidge's type of mind. Some different light came from Senator Butler, who was Mr. Coolidge's most intimate friend and his chairman of the Republican National Committee. A week before the convention the Senator came to see me in New York, and stated that I would be nominated. I asked him about Mr. Coolidge. He replied rather crisply, 'I do not know what he wants.' A year later (May 22, 1929), Senator Butler told me that in his opinion Mr. Coolidge was convinced up to the last day that the convention would again {begin inserted text}(p. 195){end inserted text} repeat the deadlock which had produced Harding in 1920, and that at least his views would have weight in the selection.
"In any event, it was all over before the convention met--except the noise. The vote on the first ballot was 837 out of 1,084.
"Upon receiving notice from the chairman of the convention, Senator Moses, of my nomination, I sent the following message: (which I shall excerpt)
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"Washington, D.C.
"June 14, 1928
"George H. Moses
"Chairman Republican National Convention
"Kansas City, Missouri
"I have your telegram and I sincerely appreciate the confidence which the party has shown in me and the honor bestowed upon me.
"You convey too great a compliment when you say that I have earned the right to the presidential nomination. No man can establish such an obligation upon any part of the American people. My country owes me no debt. It gave me, as it gives every boy and girl, a chance. It gave me schooling, independence of action, opportunity for service and honor. In no other land could a boy from a country village, without inheritance or influential friends, look forward with unbounded hope.
"My whole life has taught me what America means. I am indebted to my country beyond any human power to repay. It conferred upon me the mission to administer America's response to the appeal of afflicted nations during the war. It has called me into the cabinets of two Presidents. By these experiences I have observed the burdens and responsibilities of the greatest office in the world. That office touches the happiness of every home. It deals with the peace of nations. No man could think of it except in terms of solemn consecration.
....
"Government must contribute to leadership in answer to these questions. The government is more than administration; it is power for leadership and cooperation with the forces of business and cultural life in city, town,
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and country side. The Presidency is more than executive responsibility. It is the inspiring symbol of all that is highest in
Mae
America's purposes and ideals.
"It is vital to the welfare of the United States that the Republican Party should continue to administer the government. It is essential that our party should be continued in organization and in strength in order that it may perpetuate its great principles in our national life.
"If elected by my fellow-countrymen I shall give the best within me to advance the moral and material welfare of all our people and uphold the traditions of the Republican Party so effectively exemplified by Calvin Coolidge.
"HERBERT HOOVER"
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married, and Colonel and Mrs. Barnes were, of course, at the
r
funeral for Doctor Irvine. Mrs. Boone and I went with the Barnes
to dinner with Colo
en
{begin inserted text}ne{end inserted text}
l and Mrs. Kennedy. Colonel Kennedy was the President of the Pennsylvania Railroad
{begin inserted text}section{end inserted text}
from Harrisburg south and southwest.
Mrs. Boone and I were invited to spend the night there at his lovely home called Ragged Edge. We left there in the morning
for
of the 15th and returned to Washington. I was feeling very greatly the strain of the recent days and I knew then that I was terribly fatigued. I intended to go to Pottsville with my wife and daughter to leave them there when I went on the cruise. We deferred our departure for Pottsville for a day. I told my father-in-law and my sister Beulah and her husband Walter of the illness
and
{begin inserted text}of{end inserted text}
Mrs. Coolidge and what I had been passing through in recent days, with a great strain being added to the sorrow I felt in the death of Doctor Irvine. Then returning to Washington, I got busy about my duties aboard the MAYFLOWER in preparation for its departure for New England waters.
On June 20th I spent the evening with Doctor Work, the Secretary of the Interior, at his apartment at Wardman Park Hotel. He told me
of his
{begin inserted text}that he was{end inserted text}
going to
the
{begin inserted text}be{end inserted text}
the
National
Chairman of the Republican National Committee. He expressed surprise that President Coolidge had shown disappointment in the way things had gone at the convention. He felt the President would not accept if he had been renominat
t
ed, but said they could not offer it to him and have him refuse it, thus making "their man"
as second greater.
{begin inserted text}a second-rater.{end inserted text}
He said that Secretary
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of the Treasury Mellon had been okay, as he put it, as to Mr. Hoover's nomination for some weeks and was to announce it at the psychological moment with his blessing, but Senator Vare had broken faith with Mellon.
In The Memoirs of Herbert Hoover 1920--1933 , page 194, there is recorded:
"When the convention began to gather in Kansas City...there was much clatter about 'Stop Hoover'. But the evening before the convention opened Mr. Mellon telephoned me from Kansas City that the Pennsylvania delegation would meet the following morning, and 'I am going to recommend that they b vote for you on the first ballot.' He asked that nothing be said about it. About two hours later, the press representative rang me up to say that Senator Vare of Pennsylvania had announced that he and his friends in the Pennsylvania delegation were going to split off from the Mellon group and vote for me. I disliked Vare for adequate reasons, as did Mr. Mellon. It was obvious that he had sensed Mr. Mellon's intentions and wanted to get out in front."
I told Doctor Work that those close to President Coolidge felt he would accept if it appeared no one else was competent for the nomination. Work said, "The hell!" and let forth severe criticism of the President's reaction to what had occurred at the Republican National Convention.
From what I heard and observed, that convention generated much heat, bad feelings, and ill will that took some time to eradicate, following Mr. Hooverts nomination for the Presidency. He was the
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highest type of high caliber gentleman, whose name was well known the world over and for whom there was great admiration as an individual, as a renowned humanitarian, a widely schooled engineer in the practical school of application and experience. Tempers cooled and forces joined to work for his election. It was fortunate, it seemed, that he had not been embroiled in petty politics, that he had not sought theretofore political support for any public office. It appeared that he rose above the crowd, as it were. Although he was not an austere person, but very democratic, a down to earth, humble, self effacing one who was not given to seek the limelight, having eschewed the tumult and the shouting of the crowd.
To again quote from the aforementioned Memoirs of Herbert Hoover, page 192:
"There were over one-half dozen candidates from the Senate. Vice President Dawes, Senators Watson, Curtis, Goff, Steiwer, and Willis were the most active. The favorite among them, if there was one, was Senator Curtis, the Senate Republican leader. Their supporters were united on a deluge of attacks upon me."
(End of reel.)
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