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A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774-1875
Journals of the Continental Congress --OCTOBER 6, 1775
Friday. Chase. I don't think the resolution goes far enough. Lord Dunmore has been many months committing hostilities against Virginia, and has extended his piracies to Maryland. I wish he had been seized by the Colony months ago. They would have received the thanks of all North America. Is it practicable now? Have the Committee any naval force? This order will be a mere piece of paper. Is there a power in the Committee to raise and pay a naval force ? Is it to be done at the expense of the Continent? Have they ships or men?
Lee. I wish Congress would advise Virginia and Maryland to raise a force by sea to destroy Lord Dunmore's power. He is fond of his bottle, and may be taken by land, but ought to be taken at all events.
Zubly. I am sorry to see the very threatening condition that Virginia is likely to be in. I look on the plan we heard of yesterday, to be vile, abominable, and infernal; but I am afraid it is practicable. Will these mischiefs be prevented by seizing Dunmore? Seizing the King's representatives will make a great impression in England,and probably things will be carried on afterwards with greater rage. I came here with two views; one, to secure the rights of America; second, a reconciliation with Great Britain.
Dyer. They can't be more irritated at home than they are; they are bent upon our destruction; therefore, that is no argument against seizing them. Dunmore can do no mischief in Virginia; his connections in England are such that he may be exchanged to advantage. Went worth is gone to Boston; Franklin is not dangerous, Penn is not, Eden is not.
Johnson. Dunmore a very bad man. A defensive conduct was determined on in the Convention of Virginia. I am for leaving it to Virginia. We ought not to lay down a rule in a passion. I see less and less prospect of a reconciliation every day; but I would not render it impossible; if we should render it impossible, our Colony would take it into their own hands, and make concessions inconsistent with the rights of America. North Carolina, Virginia, Pennsylvania, New York, at least, have strong parties in each of them of that mind. This would make a disunion. Five or six weeks will give us the final determination of the people of Great Britain. Not a Governor on the Continent has the real power, but some have the shadow of it. A
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renunciation of all connection with Great Britain will be understood by a step of this kind. Thirteen Colonies connected with Great Britain in sixteen months have been brought to an armed opposition to the claims of Great Britain. The line we have pursued has been the line we ought to have pursued; if what we have done had been proposed two years ago, four Colonies would not have been for it. Suppose we had a dozen Crown officers in our possession, have we determined what to do with them? Shall we hang them?
Lee. Those who apply general reasons to this particular case will draw improper conclusions. Those Crown officers who have advised his Lordship against his violent measures, have been quarelled with by him. Virginia is pierced in all parts with navigable waters. His Lordship knows all these waters, and the plantations on them. Shuldham is coming to assist him in destroying these plantations. We see his influence with an abandoned administration is sufficient to obtain what he pleases. If six weeks may furnish decisive information, the same time may produce decisive destruction to Maryland and Virginia. Did we go fast enough when we suffered the troops at Boston to fortify?
Zubly. This a sudden motion; the motion was yesterday to apprehend Governor Tryon. We have not yet conquered the army or navy of Great Britain; a navy, consisting of a cutter, rides triumphant in Virginia. There are persons in America who wish to break off with Great Britain; a proposal has been made to apply to France and Spain; before I agree to it, I will inform my constituents. I apprehend the man who should propose it would be torn to pieces like De Witt.
Wythe. It was from a reverence for this Congress that the Convenvention of Virginia neglected to arrest Lord Dunmore; it was not intended suddenly to form a precedent for Governor Tryon. If Maryland have a desire to have a share in the glory of seizing this nobleman, let them have it. The first objection is the impracticability of it. I don't say that it is practicable; but the attempt can do no harm. From seizing clothing in Delaware, seizing the transports &c., the Battles of Lexington, Charlestown, &c., every man in Great Britain will be convinced by ministry and Parliament, that we are aiming at an independency on Great Britain; therefore, we need not fear from this step disaffecting our friends in England. As to a defection in the Colonies, I can't answer for Maryland, Pennsylvania, &c.; but I can for Virginia.
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Johnson, I am not against allowing liberty to arrest Lord Dunmore; there is evidence that the scheme he is executing was recommended by himself. Maryland does not regard the connection with Great Britain as the first good.
Stone. If we signify to Virginia that it will not be disagreeable to us if they secure Lord Dunmore, that will be sufficient.
Lewis moves an amendment, that it be recommended to the Council of Virginia, that they take such measures to secure themselves from the practices of Lord Dunmore, either by seizing his person, or otherwise, as they think proper.
Hall. A material distinction between a peremptory order to the Council of Virginia, to seize his Lordship, and a recommendation to take such measures as they shall judge necessary to defend themselves against his measures.
Motion to Export Produce for Powder
Sherman. I think we must have powder, and we may send out produce for powder. But upon some gentleman's principles we must have a general exportation.
Paine. From the observations some gentlemen have made, I think this proposition of more importance than it appeared at first. In theory, I could carry it further, even to exportation and importation to Great Britain. A large continent can't act upon speculative principles, but must be governed by rules. Medicines we must have, some clothing, &c. I wish we could enter upon the question at large, and agree upon some system.
Chase. By that resolution we may send to Great Britain, Ireland, and West Indies.
Lee. Suppose provisions should be sold in Spain for money, and cash sent to England for powder.
Duane. We must have powder; I would send for powder to London or anywhere. We are undone if we have not powder.
Deane. I hope the words, "agreeable to the Association" will be inserted,but I would import from Great Britain powder.
R. R. Livingston. We are between hawk and buzzard; we puzzle ourselves between the commercial and warlike opposition.
Rutledge. If ammunition was to be had from England only, there would be weight in the gentleman's argument. The Captain, Reed, told us yesterday that he might have brought one thousand barrels
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of powder. Why? because he was not searched. But if he had attempted to bring powder, he would have been searched. I would let the Association stand as it is, and order the Committee to export our provisions consistent with it.
Lee. When a vessel comes to England against our Association, she must be observed and watched; they would keep the provisions, but not let us have the powder.
Deane. I have not the most distant idea of infringing the Association.
Duane. The resolution with the amendment amounts to nothing. The Committee may import now consistent with the Association. I apprehend that, by breaking the Association, we may import powder, without it, not. We must have powder. We must fight our battles, in two or three months, in every Colony.
J. Rutledge. They may export to any other place, and thence send money to England.
New York Letter concerning a fortification on the Highlands considered.
Dyer. Can't say how far it would have been proper to have gone upon Roman's plan in the Spring, but thinks it too late now. There are places upon that river that might be thrown up in a few days, that would do. We must go upon some plan that will be expeditious.
Lee. Roman says a less or more imperfect plan would only be beginning a strong-hold for an enemy.
Deane. An order went to New York; they have employed an engineer. The people and he agree in the spot and the plan. Unless we rescind the whole we should go on; it ought to be done.
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