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A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774-1875
Journals of the Continental Congress --OCTOBER 7, 1775
Saturday. Chase. It is the maddest idea in the world to think of building an American fleet; its latitude is wonderful; we should mortgage the whole Continent. Recollect the intelligence on your table--defend New York--fortify upon Hudson's River. We should provide, for gaining intelligence, two swift sailing vessels.
Dyer. The affair of powder from New York should be referred to the Committee.
Hopkins. No objection to putting off the instruction from Rhode Island, provided it is to a future day.
Paine. Seconds Chase's motion that it be put off to a future day, sine die.
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Chase. The gentleman from Maryland never made such a motion. I never used the copulative; the gentleman is very sarcastic, and thinks himself very sensible.
Zubly. If the plans of some gentlemen are to take place, an American fleet must be a part of it, extravagant as it is.
Randolph moves that all the orders of the day should be read every morning.
Deane. I wish it may be seriously debated. I don't think it romantic at all.
J. Rutledge moves that some gentlemen be appointed to prepare a plan and estimate of an American fleet. Zubly seconds the motion.
Gadsden. I am against the extensiveness of the Rhode Island plan; but it is absolutely necessary that some plan of defence by sea, should be adopted.
J. Rutledge. I shall not form a conclusive opinion, till I hear the arguments. I want to know how many ships are to be built, and what they will cost.
S. Adams. The committee can't make an estimate, until they know how many ships are to be built.
Zubly. Rhode Island has taken the lead. I move that the delegates of Rhode Island prepare a plan; give us their opinion.
J. Adams. The motion is entirely out of order. The subject is put off for a week, and now a motion is to appoint a committee to consider the whole subject.
Zubly, Rutledge, Paine, Gadsden,--lightly skirmishing.
Deane. It is like the man that was appointed to tell the dream and the interpretation of it. The expense is to be estimated, without knowing what fleet there shall be, or whether any at all.
Gadsden. The design is, to throw it into ridicule. It should be considered, out of respect to the Colony of Rhode Island, who desired it.
Determined, against the appointment of a committee.
Report of the Committee, for fortifying upon Hudson's
River, considered.
J. Rutledge. I think we should add to the report, that they take the most effectual measures to obstruct the navigation of Hudson's River, by Booms, or otherwise. Gadsden seconds the motion. Deane doubts the practicability of obstructing it with booms, it is so wide. The committee said, four or five booms chained together, and ready to be drawn across, would stop the passage.
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The Congress of New York is to consult the Assembly of Connecticut, and the Congress of New Jersey, on the best method of taking posts, and making signals, and assembling forces for the defence of the river.
Gadsden moves that all the letters laid before us, from England, should be sent to the Convention of New York. Tryon is a dangerous man, and the Convention of that Colony should be upon their guard. Lee. I think the letters should, by all means, be sent. Rutledge. Dr. Franklin desired they might not be printed. Moves that General Wooster, with his troops, may be ordered down to New York. Duane moves that Wooster's men may be employed in building the fortifications. Dyer seconds the motion, allowing the men what is usual.
Sherman would have the order conditional, if Schuyler don't want them; understands that New York has the best militia upon the continent.
R. Livingston. They will be necessary at the Highlands. Dyer thinks they ought to have the usual allowance for work.
S. Adams understands that the works at Cambridge were done without any allowance, but that General Washington has ordered, that, for future works, they be allowed half a pistareen a day.
Langdon would not have the order to Wooster, but to Schuyler; for he would not run any risk of the northern expedition.
Rutledge thinks Schuyler can't want them; he waited only for boats to send five hundred men more. Sherman. Would it not be well to inform Schuyler of our endeavors to take the transports, and desire him to acquaint Colonel Arnold of it?
Rutledge. He may cooperate with Arnold in taking the transports. I hope he is in possession of Montreal before now.
Deane. I wish that whatever money is collected, may be sent along to Schuyler.
E. Rutledge. We have been represented as beggarly fellows, and the first impressions are the strongest. If we cat their provisions, and don't pay, it will make a bad impression.
Ross produces a Resolve of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, that their delegates lay the Connecticut Intrusion before Congress, that something may be done to quiet the minds.
J. Rutledge moves that the papers be referred to the delegates of the two Colonies.
Willing thinks them parties, and that they must have an umpire. Sherman thinks they may agree on a temporary line.
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Debate on the Report for fortifying upon Hudson's River, resumed.
Lee moves that parliamentary or ministerial posts may be stopped, as a constitutional post is now established from New Hampshire to Georgia. Langdon seconds the motion.
Willing thinks it is interfering with that line of conduct which we have hitherto prescribed to ourselves; it is going back beyond the year 1763.
Lee, When the Ministry are mutilating our correspondence in England, and our enemies here are corresponding for our ruin, shall we not stop the ministerial post?
Willing looks upon this to be one of the offensive measures which are improper at this time. It will be time enough to throw this aside, when the time comes that we shall throw every thing aside; at present, we don't know but there may be a negotiation.
Dyer. We have already superseded the Act of Parliament effectually.
Deane is for a recommendation to the people to write by the constitutional post; not forbid a man to ride.
S. Adams thinks it a defensive measure; and advising people not to write by it, looks too cunning for me. I am for stopping the correspondence of our enemies.
Langdon. Administration are taking every method to come at our intentions. Why should not we prevent it? Duane. I shall vote against it. It may be true that we are come to the time when we are to lay aside all. I think there should be a full representation of the Colonies. North Carolina should be here. Deane seconds the motion for postponing it.
Zubly. The necessity of this measure does not appear to me. If we have gone beyond the line of 1763 and of defence, without apparent necessity, it was wrong; if with necessity, right. I look upon the invasion of Canada as a very different thing; I have a right to defend myself against persons who come against me, let them come from whence they will. We, in Georgia, have gained intelligence, by the King's Post, that we could not have got any other way. Some gentlemen think all merit lies in violent and unnecessary measures.
S. Adams. The gentleman's argument would prove that we should let the post go into Boston. Morton. Would not this stop the packet? Would it not be ordered to Boston? Does the packet bring any intelligence to us that is of use?
Lee, No intelligence comes to us, but constant intelligence to our
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enemies. Stone thinks it an innocent motion, but is for postponing it, because he is not at present clear. He thinks that the setting up a new post has already put down the old one.
Paine. My opinion was, that the ministerial post will die a natural death; it has been under a languishment a great while; it would be cowardice to issue a decree to kill that which is dying; it brought but one letter last time, and was obliged to retail newspapers to bear its expenses. I am very loth to say that this post shall not pass.
Lee. Is there not a Doctor, Lord North, who can keep this creature alive?
R. R. Livingston. I don't think that Tory letters are sent by the royal post. I consider it rather as a convenience than otherwise; we hear five times a week from New York. The letters, upon our table, advise us to adopt every conciliatory measure, that we may secure the affections of the people of England.
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