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A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774-1875
Journals of the Continental Congress --MONDAY, JANUARY 31, 1780
A letter from General Washington was read, enclosing one, of 16, from Brigadier du Portail;
Also one, of 26, from the same, was read, respecting Colonel Bland.
Ordered, That they be referred to the Board of War.
Two letters, of 27, from the General, were read.1
[Note 1: 1 The first letter is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 152, VIII, folio 333; the letter of the 26th is on folio 371; those of the 27th are on folios 375 and 379.]
Resolved, That Congress are impressed with a high sense of the attachment and zeal of the magistrates and inhabitants of the State of New Jersey, in the common cause; and of their ready and effectual exertions in providing and furnishing the army, under his Excellency the Commander in Chief, with provisions, at a time when the difficulty of transportation rendered such exertions absolutely necessary.
The committee, to whom was referred the summary of the communications from the Minister of France, brought in a report, which, being read and debated by paragraphs, was agreed to.
Congress taking into consideration the foregoing communications,
Resolved, That the following answer be given to the communications of the honourable the Minister Plenipotentiary of France: That Congress entertain the most grateful sense of the unremitting attention given to the
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interests of the United States by their illustrious ally; and consider the communications made to them by his minister under his Majesty's special command as equally wise and interesting. That the boundless confidence which they repose in his Majesty, in consequence of his so generously interesting himself in the affairs of these United States, and the wisdom and magnanimity of his councils, determines them to give the most perfect information in their power of their resources, their views and their expectations.
That to this end, they state as follows: That the United States have expectations on which they can rely with confidence of bringing into the field an army of 25,000 effective men, exclusive of commissioned officers. That this army can be reinforced by militia so as to be in force sufficient for any enterprises against the posts occupied by the enemy within the United States. That supplies of provisions for the army in its greatest number can certainly be obtained within the United States; and the Congress, with the cooperation of the several states, can take effectual measures for procuring them in such manner as that no operation will be impeded. That provision also for such of the forces of his most Christian Majesty as may be employed in conjunction or co-operation with those of the United States, can be procured under the direction of Congress; and such provision shall be laid up in magazines, agreeably to such instructions as his Majesty's Minister Plenipotentiary shall give; and the magazines shall be put under the direction of the agent of the marine of France. That Congress rely on the contributions of the states by taxes, and on moneys to be raised by internal loans for the pay of the army. That supplies of clothing, of tents, of arms and
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warlike stores, must be principally obtained from foreign nations; and the United States must rely chiefly on the assistance of their ally for them; but every other means for procuring them are already taken, and will be prosecuted with the greatest diligence. That the United States, with the assistance of a competent naval force, would willingly, during the next campaign, carry on the most vigorous offensive operations against the enemy in all the posts occupied by them within the United States. That without such naval force, little more can be attempted by them than straitening the quarters of the enemy, and covering the interior parts of the country. That their forces must be disposed in such manner as to oppose the enemy with the greatest effect, wheresoever their most considerable operations may be directed. That at present the southern states seem to be their principal object, and their design to establish themselves in one or more of them; but their superiority at sea over the United States enables them to change their objects and operations with great facility, while those of the United States are rendered difficult by the great extent of country they have to defend. That Congress are happy to find that his most Christian Majesty gives no credit to the suggestions of the British cabinet relative to the dispositions of the United States, or any of them, to enter into treaties of accommodation with Great Britain; and wish his Majesty and all the powers of Europe to be assured, that such suggestions are insidious and without foundation. That it will appear by the constitutions and other publick acts of the several states, that the citizens of the United States possessed of arms, possessed of freedom, possessed of political power to create and direct their magistrates as they
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think proper, are united in their determinations to secure to themselves and their posterity the blessings of liberty, by supporting the independence of their governments, and observing their treaties and publick engagements with immoveable firmness and fidelity. And the Congress assure his Majesty, that should any individual in America be found base enough to show the least disposition for persuading the people to the contrary, such individual would instantly lose all power of effecting his purpose, by forfeiting the esteem and confidence of the people.1
[Note 1: 1 This report, in the writing of Thomas Burke, is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 25, I, 181. A copy in Thomson's hand is on folio 189. It was entered only in the manuscript Secret Journal, Foreign Affairs. It is printed in the Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution (Wharton) III, 485.]
The said committee report, That in a second conference with the honourable the Minister Plenipotentiary of France he communicated to them--
That his most Christian Majesty, being uninformed of the appointment of a minister plenipotentiary to treat of an alliance between the United States and his Catholick Majesty, has signified to his Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States, that he wishes most earnestly for such an alliance; and in order to make the way thereto more easy, has commanded him to communicate to the Congress certain articles which his Catholick Majesty deems of great importance to the interests of his crown, and on which it is highly necessary that the United States explain themselves with precision, and with such moderation as may consist with their essential rights.
That the articles are--
1. A precise and invariable western boundary to the United States.
2. The exclusive navigation of the river Mississippi.
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3. The possession of the Floridas; and
4. The lands on the left or eastern side of the river Mississippi.
That on the first article, it is the idea of the cabinet of Madrid that the United States extend to the westward no farther than settlements were permitted by the royal proclamation bearing date theday of1763.
On the second, that the United States do not consider themselves as having any right to navigate the river Mississippi, no territory belonging to them being situated thereon.
On the third, that it is probable the king of Spain will conquer the Floridas during the course of the present war; and in such event, every cause of dispute relative thereto between Spain and these United States ought to be removed.
On the fourth, that the lands lying on the east side of the Mississippi, whereon the settlements were prohibited by the aforesaid proclamation, are possessions of the crown of Great Britain, and proper objects against which the arms of Spain may be employed, for the purpose of making a permanent conquest for the Spanish crown. That such conquest may, probably, be made during the present war. That therefore it would be advisable to restrain the southern states from making any settlements or conquests in those territories. That the council of Madrid consider the United States as having no claims to those territories, either as not having had possession of them before the present war, or not having any foundation for a claim in the right of the sovereignty of Great Britain, whose dominion they have abjured.
That his most Christian Majesty, united to the Catholick King by blood and by the strictest alliances, and
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united with these states in treaties of alliance, and feeling towards them dispositions of the most perfect friendship, is exceedingly desirous of conciliating between his Catholick Majesty and these United States, the most happy and lasting friendship.
That the United States may repose the utmost confidence in his good will to their interests, and in the justice and liberality of his Catholick Majesty; and that he cannot deem the revolution which has set up the independence of these United States as past all danger of unfavourable events, until his Catholick Majesty and the United States shall be established on those terms of confidence and amity which are the objects of his most Christian Majesty's very earnest wishes.1
[Note 1: 1 This report was entered only in the manuscript Secret Journal, Foreign Affairs. A copy, in Thomson's hand, is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 25. I, folio 193. It was presented February 2, as the endorsement shows. It is printed in the Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, (Wharton) III, 488.]
The Board of Admiralty and the committee appointed to prepare the draught of a commission for the judges of the court of appeals, delivered in reports.
Adjourned to 10 o'Clock to Morrow.
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