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A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774-1875
Journals of the Continental Congress --FRIDAY JUNE 1, 1781
A letter, of 27 May, from General Washington, was read:1
[Note 1: 1 A draft of this letter is in the Washington Papers, A, VI, Pt. I, 99; it is printed in The Writings of Washington, (Ford), IX, 259.]
Ordered, That it be communicated to the Board of War, and that the Board take order so far as respects the corps of invalids.
The committee to whom was referred the memorial of the honorable the minister plenipotentiary of France reported the draught of a letter to the executives of the states, which was agreed to.2
[Note 2: 2 This paragraph was also entered in the manuscript Secret Journal, Foreign Affairs.]
The committee, consisting of Mr. [Daniel] Carroll, Mr. [Joseph] Jones, Mr. [John] Witherspoon, Mr. [John] Sullivan, Mr. [John] Mathews, to whom were referred the memorials of 25 and 26 April [May], from the minister of France, and who were instructed to confer with him and receive further communications, reported the draft of a letter to the several states, which was agreed as follows:
June 1, 1781.
Sir,
I am directed to inform you that Congress have received undoubted intelligence, both from their minister at the Court of Versailles, and the minister of France in America, by order of his Court, that the Courts of Vienna s nd Petersburg have offered their mediation to the belligerent powers for the re-establishment of peace; that these overtures have been eagerly embraced on the part of Great Britain; that France had declined her full acceptation thereof until the concurrence of her allies could be obtained for that purpose; that France at the same time observes that should she again be
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pressed on this head, she would be obliged to enter into a previous plan of negotiation conditionally for herself and allies; that Spain had answered in such a manner to the proposals of the mediating powers as to show her eventual acceptance.
Thus are we like to have obtruded upon us by the intervention of two such formidable powers the hard necessity of acceding to these overtures at a time whoa these states are in a eligible situation to enter into negotiations for peace, than at any other period of the war.
[The intervention of such formidable powers will undoubtedly prove an event the most favourable to these United States, if by a great and timely exertion we sufficiently reduce the force of the enemy now operating in our country. But should languor and inaction subject us to the contempt of the negotiators, all the consequences will be chargeable upon ourselves.] This therefore is a conjuncture that calls for the most serious consideration of these states.
It is therefore become a question, whether we are determined to support this union upon the true principles of the confederation, by rejecting every idea of a diminution or not. If the first is to obtain Congress are decided in their opinion that there is not a
Congress have not a doubt in their minds but that each State in the union is determined to support the Confederacy that has been so solemnly entered into, through every difficulty, and hand it down unimpaired to their posterity. Under these impressions Congress can with confidence call on their constituents for such exertions as are proportionate to the truly critical situation of our affairs. [The plan of operations for the present campaign having been preconcerted on the principle of obliging the enemy to abandon their possessions in every part of these states,] an unequivocal
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compliance with the demands heretofore made by Congress for provisions, men, and money, is what we have at present to ask for. Should these means be expeditiously and punctually put into our hands, we have the most pleasing prospect of putting a speedy and happy issue to the war, by driving the enemy from their present possessions in every part of these states, or at all events to confine them to the seacoasts, in order to give as little room as possible to the enemy's claim of uti possidetis; which will undoubtedly be most strenuously insisted on by them in the course of the negotiation--a claim totally inadmissible on our part. Of course, then, nothing should be left unessayed by these states to prevent the embarrassments that such a claim must inevitably produce; and of consequence it is become indispensably necessary by our immediate and, under Providence, successful efforts, to place ourselves in such a situation as to enable our negotiators to speak a firm and decided language, becoming the character of the ministers of free, sovereign and independent states.
We conclude with observing, that from the foregoing communications we are so thoroughly convinced of the most strenuous exertions of every State in the union to accomplish the great objects herein pointed out, that Congress will immediately proceed to carry into full execution their plans adopted for defeating the ambitious views of our enemy, and be prepared to accept of peace upon no other terms than the, independence of the thirteen United States of America in all its parts.1
[Note 1: 1 This letter was entered only in the manuscript Secret (Domestic) Journal. The draft is in the writing of John Mathews, except the portion in brackets which is in Charles Thomson's hand, and is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 26, I, folio 209.]
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On motion of Mr. [William Churchill] Houston, seconded by Mr. [James Mitchell] Varnum:
Resolved, That no person whatsoever be permitted [to take copies or extracts from the Secret Journal, or from any papers directed by Congress to be entered therein, or from any papers with respect to which secrecy is injoined, or to require from the secretary such copies or extracts, without the permission of Congress.]1
[Note 1: 1 This paragraph was also entered in the manuscript Secret (Domestic) Journal. The passage in brackets was entered in the Public Journal by George Bond.]
The Board of Admiralty;
The committee on the motion of Mr. [John] Mathews; and
The Committee to whom was referred the motion of Mr. Mathews have conferred (according to order) with the Superintendant of Finance, who gave it as his opinion that it was absolutely improper to adopt the measure proposed in the said motion, as it would not only be unavailing but an unjustifiable breach of public faith, and that it was his opinion that no reliance could be had on paper money, off its present footing, for the purpose of effectually carrying on the war, and that it would greatly tend to establish the credit and restore the state of the finances to suppress the issuing of the money not already issued under the resolution of the 18th. of March, 1780, if such a measure was practicable, and immediately to call for taxes in specie in lieu thereof; in which sentiment your Committee concur, and therefore beg leave to report the annexed resolution:
Resolved that the Board of Treasury issue orders immediately to the respective Loan Officers to cease to emit any more of the paper money intended to be emitted under the resolution of the 18th of March 1780 and that they make an immediate return respectively to the said Board (to be laid before Congress) of all the money issued under the said resolution and of the old emissions destroyed and taken out of circulation.
And whereas Congress find it absolutely impracticable to arrange the Finances of these United Stages, on the present system of paper money and that those means are found inadequate to the purposes
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of carrying on the war to effect and whereas Congress have good reason to suppose that a time is now arrived when moderate taxes may be received from the people to enable Congress to act with a vigor adequate to the necessity in which these States find themselves for vigorous operations at this alarming and critical juncture.
Therefore Resolved, That one million of Dollars in specie be levied on the several States in the following Quotas viz.
To be paid into the Continental Treasury, to the order and subject to the control of the Superintendant of Finance on or before the 1st of Jany 1782, in gold, silver or copper coin.1
[Note 1: 1 This report, in the writing of Theodorick Bland, is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 26, folios 299 and 297. It is in the list of postponed reports in No. 31, folio 371.]
The committee on the memorial of Baron d'Arendt: delivered in their several reports.
The Committee to whom was referred the Memorial of Baron D'Arendt beg leave to report that upon principles of justice as well as of good policy the Baron ought to retain his rank in the Army: and therefore submit the following Resolution:
Resolved, That the Baron D'Arendt be considered as a retiring Officer upon half pay and that he be entitled to full pay to the 1st day of January last.2
[Note 2: 2 This report, in the writing of John Sullivan, is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 147, VI, folio 87. See June 26 on which date it was recommitted.]
Treasury Office June 1st, 1781
That on the application of Patrick Ferrall clerk in the Auditor General's Office, a warrant issue in his favor on Thomas Smith, Commissioner of the Continental Loan Office for the State of Pennsylvania for two hundred and thirty four dollars of the new emission, being on account of a quarter's salary due since the settlement of the accounts of the civil officers. The Board beg leave to submit the application of Mr Ferrall to the particular consideration of Congress.3
[Note 3: 3 This report is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 136, V, folio 351. It was not acted on, apparently.]
Adjourned to 10 o'Clock to Morrow.
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