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A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774-1875
Journals of the Continental Congress --MONDAY, DECEMBER 17, 1781
On a report of a committee, consisting of Mr. J[oseph] Jones, Mr. [William] Ellery, and Mr. [Samuel] Osgood, to whom was referred a letter from Richard Peters, esq. late a commissioner of the Board of War,
The Committee to whom was referred the letter of Richard Peters late commissioner of the Board of Wax of the 29th. of this month beg leave to report as their opinion--
Resolved, That Mr. Peters' letter be entered on the Journal, and that he be informed that Congress are sensible of his merit, and convinced of his attachment to the cause of his
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country, and return him their thanks for his long and faithful service in the war department.1
[Note 1: 1 This report, in the writing of Joseph Jones, is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 19, V, folio 137.]
The letter is as follows:
War Office, November 29, 1781.
Sir,
General Lincoln having taken upon him the business entrusted to my care, and the powers with which I was honored ceasing, I have delivered to him the books and papers of the department, and beg to take my most respectful leave of Congress as a public officer. After my having exercised under their immediate observation, for more than five years past, an arduous employment, which, in its commencement, I had to organize and arrange, in its progress always to share, and for no inconsiderable portion of the time, solely to support its difficulties, it is needless for me to make any professions of unalterable attachment to the cause of my country. It gives me pleasure that the situation of public affairs has, in a considerable degree, abated the embarrassments attending the department, and that the gentleman who succeeds to it will have to travel in a path, though not without its impediments, yet less thorny than that trodden by his predecessors. Far from being greedy after fame, I shall deem myself fortunate, if, through the vicissitudes of the war, and in the various scenes of business I have been engaged, I have conducted myself irreproachably. I am happy that the time I leave the public business, is one of the most prosperous periods of the war, and that it can be so agreeably contrasted with that in which I was called to it. I shall return on this account, with great cheerfulness, because I can do it with honor, to the duties of a private citizen, and hope ere long to enjoy in peace that independence, which in prospect has animated me through many a toilsome day, and will amply reward me for the loss of private ease and fortune, and all the perplexities and distresses I have continually assisted to encounter in the department in which I had the honor to serve.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect,
Your very obedient servant,
Richard Peters.
His excellency the President of Congress.2
[Note 2: 2 This letter is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 78, XVIII, folio 469. The indorsement shows that it was read in Congress, November 29, and referred to Mr. J[oseph] Jones, Mr. [William] Ellery and Mr. [Samuel] Osgood.]
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A letter to the states reported and agreed to, urging them to comply with the requisitions for men and money.
The committee, consisting of Mr. [Edmund] Randolph, Mr. --, reported the draft of a circular letter to the states, which was agreed, and is as follows:
Gentlemen,
We are happy to observe that the present year hath been distinguished by the reduction of a powerful British garrison in Virginia, and that our arms have also been prosperous in other parts of the United States. But to infer that our inexorable foe is subdued beyond recovery, may be attended with ruinous consequences. These events will yield but momentary advantages, unless supported by vigorous measures in future.
From an assurance that peace is best attained by preparations for war, and that in the cabinet of negotiations those arguments carry with them the greatest weight which are enforced not only with a retrospect of important victories, but by a well grounded prospect of future successes, we have called upon you for eight millions of dollars, and for your respective deficiencies of the military establishment.
Seven years have nearly passed since the sword was first unsheathed. The sums expended in so long a period in a just and necessary war must appear moderate; nor can any demand for pecuniary aid be deemed exorbitant by those who compute the extent of the public exigencies and the proportion of the requisition to the abilities of the states.
Suppose not that funds exist for our relief beyond the limits of these states. As the possessions of the citizens constitute our natural resources, and from a sense of their sufficiency the standard of war was
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erected against Great Britain, so on them alone we now rely. But even if loans were attainable, their amount would be merely commensurate with our ability and inclination to repay; and by nothing can both be more satisfactorily evidenced than by a generous exertion amidst the languor of public credit. Arguing from the former dilatoriness of supplies, the enemy, after having abandoned serious expectations of conquest by arms, anticipate it in imagination from the dissolution of our public credit.
They cannot however deny the firmness of the basis on which it may be placed, when they survey the wide limits of this confederate country, the fruitfulness of its soil, and the industry of its people.
But the want of money is not the only source of our difficulties; nor do the enemy gather consolation from the state of our finances alone. We are distressed by the thinness of our battalions. So vulnerable does the boldness of navigation render the very bosom of these states, so dispersed in some parts is the population, and so rapid our enemy in transportation, that they seize and exhaust large districts before their ravages can be checked. The requisition for the completion of your battalions is therefore not only reasonable, but indispensable.1
[Note 1: 1 Up to this point the draft was copied out fair by Thomson.]
Tardiness in the collection of our troops has constantly encouraged in our enemy a suspicion that American opposition is on the decline. Hence money from time to time is poured into the coffers of our enemy; and the lender is perhaps allured by the prospect of receiving it with an usurious interest from the spoils of confiscation.
To whom then rather than yourselves, who are called to the guardianship and sovereignty of your country,
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can these considerations be addressed? Joint labourers as we are, in the work of independence, duty impels us to admonish you of the crisis. We possess no funds which do not originate with you. We can command no levies, which are not raised under your acts. Well shall we acquit ourselves to the world, should peace, towards the acquisition of which so illustrious a point hath been gained, now escape our embraces, by the inadequacy of our army, or our treasure: for an appeal to this exposition of your affairs will demonstrate our watchfulness of your happiness.
We conjure you to remember what confidence we shall establish in the breast of that great monarch, who has become a party in our political welfare, by a bold, energetick display of our ability.
We therefore trust in your attention and zeal to avail yourselves, at this important crisis, of the glorious advantages lately obtained, by a full compliance with these requisitions of men and money which we have made to you, and the necessity of which hath been pointed out to us by the maturest consideration on the present circumstances of these United States.
By order of Congress.
John Hanson, President.1
[Note 1: 1 This letter was entered only in the manuscript Secret (Domestic) Journal and in No. 12 (Estimates). The draft from which it was made is in the writing of Edmund Randolph, from which, in Daniel Carroll's hand, was made the draft adopted. The Randolph draft is as follows:
The United States in Congress Assembled to the legislatures of the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.
Gentlemen,
If peace be your hope its accomplishment must be sought in earnest preparations for war. In the cabinet of negotiation he the most easily persuades, who, having overthrown his enemy, shows himself able to prevent a recovery.
The present year hath indeed been distinguished by the reduction of a powerful British garrison in Virginia and repeated victories in other parts of the continent. But it would be ruinous to infer that our inexorable foe is subdued because he is checked. This event therefore is not the ultimate good, for which we labour. Nay, it will yield but a momentary advantage, unless the happy blow shall be pursued with vigor.
From an assurance of these truths we have lately made requisitions for eight millions of dollars, and the deficiencies of the military establishment.
Six years have elapsed since the sword was first unsheathed. During this period, moderation hath marked every call for supplies nor can this demand for pecuniary aid be deemed exorbitant by those, who compute the extent of public exigencies, and the distant proportion of eight millions of dollars to the immense mass of property, devoted, on the eruption of the contest, to the cause of freedom.
Suppose not that funds exist for our relief beyond the limits of these states. As the the possessions of the citizens constitute our natural resources and from a sense of their sufficiency the standard of war was erected against Great Britain so on them alone we now rely. But even if loans were attainable, their amount would be merely commensurate with our ability and inclination to repay, and by nothing can both be more satisfactorily evidenced than by a generous exertion amidst the languor of public revenue.
Arguing from the former dilatoriness of supplies, the enemy, after having abandoned serious expectations of conquest by arms anticipate it in imagination from the dissolution of our public credit. They cannot however deny the firmness of the basis, on which it may be placed when they survey the wide limits of this confederate country, the fruitfulness of its soil, and the industry of its people.
But does the want of money only beget difficulties? Did we consecrate our wealth only to the American war? Have we a belief that we shall derive every other succour from friends? or does the enemy gather consolation from the supposed decay of our finances alone? No.
We are distressed by the thinness of our battalions also. So vulnerable does the boldness of navigation render the very bosom of these states, so dispersed in some parts is the population, and so rapid our enemy in transportation that they seize and exhaust large districts before their ravages can be checked. These hostile insults would quickly cease from an experience of their inefficacy, if our military force would suffer important detachments. Perhaps it might be hazardous to affirm that upon the completion of the establishment, our yeomanry might always remain at home. And yet it must be conceded that, in this event, harrassments of the militia would be often avoided, or if drawn into service they would act with double power when seconded by a party howsoever small, of regular troops.
This requisition is not only reasonable, but indispensible. Reasonable because at the commencement of the war, the great body of the people inlisted trader the banners of liberty--indispensible, because we have no authority to expect, that the want of numbers in our own army will be supplied by auxiliary forces.
Tardiness in the collection of our troops has constantly encouraged in our enemy a suspicion, that American opposition is on the decline. Hence money from time to time, is poured into the coffers of our enemy and the lender perhaps is allured by the prospect of receiving it, with an usurious interest from the spoils of confiscation.
To whom then rather than yourselves who are called to the guardianship and sovereignty of your country can these considerations be addressed? Joint labourers as we are in the work of Independance, duty impels us to admonish you of the crisis. We possess no funds, which do not originate with you--we can command no levies, which are not raised under your own acts. Well shall we acquit ourselves to the world, should peace, towards the acquisition of which so illustrious a point hath been gained, now escape our embraces, by the inadequacy of our army or our treasure; for an appeal to this exposition of your affairs will demonstrate our watchfulness of your happiness.
We conjure you to remember, what confidence we shall establish in the breast of that great monarch, who has become a party in our political welfare; by a bold, energetic display of our ability.
Trusting therefore that these Representations will cause you to weigh, with attention and zeal, this precious moment, and thus produce the men and money, lately required, we pray God to have you in his holy keeping.
Done &c.
This draft is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 24, folio 321, Carroll's draft being on folio 325, and Thomson's copy on folio 313]
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