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A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774-1875
Journals of the Continental Congress --[FRIDAY, MARCH 15, 1782]
The Committee [Mr. Ezekiel Cornell, Mr. Arthur Middleton, Mr. Samuel Osgood, Mr. Elias Boudinot, and Mr. Daniel Carroll] to whom was refered a letter from the Superintendant of finance of Feb(y) 1782, report the following draft of a circular letter:
Seven years have clapsed since the commencement of the present cruel and unprovoked war, during which the direction and superindence of the political interests of these United States have been intrusted to Congress. The burthen of this important charge may be easily conceivd by comparing the situation, circumstances and resources of these States with those of our common Enemy. The means in our power from the peculiar circumstances of our case were greatly inadequate to the contest in which we were engaged, and still more inadequate to the object, to which we were inevitably led by the contest: And perhaps it may be considered as one of the most fortunate circumstances for the freedom and independence of America, that this object did not open at one view, but gradually encreas'd as the dawning light.
It is not to be wondered, that in assuming independence, amidst a variety of complicated difficulties, and dangers pressing on every hand with equall force, and in providing for the security of the sovereignty, freedom, and independence of so many States, differing from each other in character, interest, and opinion, differing from each other in character, interest, and opinion, the act of Confederation and Union shou'd not provide for every possible circumstance which might attend the body politic; or that in the prosecution of the war, the measures necessary for the common defence shou'd be greatly clogged, and delayed. No funds were established on which credit cou'd be grounded, no power was reserved for raising supplies or to answer emergencies. Hence it became the duty of Congress to apply to the States for those powers and aids, which are indispensibly necessary for the great work of independence. It is on them alone, and their exertions under the blessing of divine providence, that we are now to rely for the means of conducting the war, and bringing it to a happy issue.
When the peaceable Citizens of these States were first reduced to the necessity of Uniting in their common defence, they had neither arms, ammunition nor money. Necessity then compelled Congress to adopt the dangerous expedient of using paper credit, as the only possible mean of supporting the arduous contest. The consequences of an undue, tho' necessary increase of this paper medium, have been
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too severely felt to need explanation; nor shall we repeat the many efforts used by Congress to call the attention of the Legislatures to this important object. After many applications on the subject of the public exigencies, Congress transmitted to the several States, on the 18th of April last, an estimate of the expences of the current year, and the supplies on which they relied for defraying those expences; and as the distresses of the Army for want of provisions, and their uneasiness and dissatisfaction for want of pay, were then notorious, and as the clamors of the public creditors grew louder and louder, it was judged necessary to state the measures which Congress had before pursued to support the war, provide for public exigencies, and guard against the dangers and embarrassments which which they were then threatend. To this statement Congress again beg leave desire to refer. The recapitulation of past transactions so well known to the Legislature of every State, it was hoped would have awakened them to a sense of the public danger, and have engaged them to a more liberal compliance with the requisitions then made, as the only means of saving our Country from impending calamity. It gives us pain to observe, that these expectations have not been fully answered; and that by the backwardness of the States to grant the necessary supplies, the well concerted laid plans of our General have been diconcerted, and that the designs of Congress have been frustrated in two important objects,--the first founded in prompted by the immutable Laws principles of justice, the relief of to relieve the distresses of thousands who trusted the U.S. in the hour of difficulty and danger, the last, to establish public credit on a solid foundation, on which depend under God not only our own safety and happiness but that of millions yet unborn public credit on which our safety and success depend.
The operations of war admit of no delay; there are times and seasons which must be watched, and which if suffered to pass unimproved cannot be recalled. Secrecy in planning, and vigour in executing are the only means of insuring success. We may now inform you that on a reliance that the States wou'd furnish their quotas of men and money required, measures were concerted last year for the attack of New York. The States were pressed in the most earnest manner, to compleat their battalions and raise the supplies. The moment for action arrived, but the General found his ranks so thin, and even the small force he had collected so ill supplied, that it became imprudent
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to proceed: disappointment, and a great unprofitable expence ensued; and had it not been for the aid of money granted by our generous Ally, for the providential arrival of his fleet in the Chesapeak, and an almost miraculous coincidence of fortune circumstances which by the blessing of God were happily improv'd our public affairs must now have been in the most disagreeable situation.
This inattention in the States has almost endangered our very existence as a People, and altho' it is our duty to acknowledge with gratitude the many interpositions of Providence, in our favor, and particularly in the successes of the last campaign, yet to implore expect the assistance of Heaven, without using all the means in our power is rather mockery than religion, and to rely on foreign aid without preparing to cooperate with it effectually is disgraceful and folly in the extreme, especially to a people contending for every thing dear and valuable, is betraying equally our interests and honor. Yet the preservation of these ought to be more peculiarly the care of a People contending, as we are, in the sacred cause of liberty and virtue.
The special and peculiar circumstances of the present moment requiring the most vigorous preparations for an early campaign, it becomes our duty again to urge you to activity and decision. Silence at this important moment would become Criminal. We therefore mean by this earnest address not only to warn you of your danger and rouse you to action, but also to justify ourselves to our constituents, to the world and our own consciences, well knowing that if the present golden opportunity is lost or unimproved, we have no right to expect another equally advantageous. By the latest advices from Europe we learn that the Enemy far from relaxing are determined by more strenuous exertions to prosecute the war. Their resources are great, and they flatter themselves that by perseverance they will waste our strength. Their vengeance is directed against these States, and it behoves us to be prepared to meet and repel it. Before this fresh proof of their vindictive fury, experience had fully evinced that our Enemy were bent upon our destruction or subjugation, and it being evident from their pride, obstinacy and malice, that the war would be of much longer duration than was at first apprehended, Congress had employd their closest attention in forming plans to baffle their hopes and defeat their malice. It therefore became necessary no longer to conduct the war by temporary expedients, and desultory
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measures, but by a regular and systematic plan. This could only be effected by restoring public credit, and by checking waste and introducing economy in the public expenditures; to effect these purposes it was thought proper to entrust the management of the finances of these States, and what relates to the preparation for war, in the hands of persons, under the controul of Congress, in where judgment and fidelity they have a confidence. The benefits resulting from these arrangements are allready conspicuous, but it depends upon the States to make them lasting and effectual. The situation of one of these departments makes it especially necessary that many circumstances relative to it shou'd be known, and attended to by the several States in the Union. We therefore transmit you the following extract from the Superintendant's Letter of last month.
Tho the Enemy are apparently altering their plan of carrying on the war, yet we must remember that our subjugation or destruction is the ultimate object of all their efforts. It is therefore our duty To disappoint this purpose, and prepare for continuing the war with efficacy whatever might be its duration, permanent and systematic arrangements were necessary.
The establishment restoration of public credit, the expediting business, the checking extravagance and establishing introducing Oeconomy into the public expenditures were the objects which Congress had in view in the establishment of a Super Intendant General of Finance, a Minister of War and Secretary for foreign affairs. The benefits resulting from these arrangements have been already experienced; but it depends upon the States to render them permanent and effectual.
Having thus given you a full view of our present circumstances, we have only to entreat in the most earnest manner a speedy and close attention to this important business, being family persuaded that nothing but a punctual compliance with the requisitions both of men and money for the current year will satisfy the public creditors, silence the clamors of the soldiery, add vigour, discipline and decision to the army, give hopes of success in the coming important campaign, and open the way for an honorable and lasting peace, enable us to do justice to the public creditors and bring an army into the field so disciplined and appointed as may ensure a happy issue of the campaign, and conduct us to an honorable and lasting peace.
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The Committee beg leave to sit again?1
[Note 1: 1 This report, in the writing of Daniel Carroll, is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 24, folio 331. According to the indorsement and to Committee Books Nos. 186 and 191, it was delivered March 12 and "Friday next assigned," and on Friday, March 15, it was "committed anew ". to Messrs. [Arthur] Lee, [William] Ellery and [Nicholas] Eveleigh. See post March 26.]
The Committee of the Week, [William Floyd, Nicholas Eveleigh, George Partridge] report, That the memorial of Jonathan Gostelowe late Commissary of Military Stores, complaining of being dismissed from office and requesting that he may be paid with depreciationpast services and that his depreciation may be made up, be referred to the Secretary at War.
And that the petition of Lawrence Powell, requesting that he may be appointed to take charge of the State Prison lay on the table.2
[Note 2: 2 This report, in the writing of William Floyd, is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 32, folio 321. The indorsement states that it was passed on this day. Lawrence Powell's petition, dated March 12, 1782, is in No. 42, VI, folio 268.]
Ordered, That the motion of the Delegates of Virginia to be credited out of requisition of quota of 8 Millions for Beef she may furnish more than required in the Act for Specific Supplies be referred to the Superintendant of Finance.
Ordered, That the Bill of Exchange of July 15, 1780, Brigadier General Moultrie on Samuel Huntington, Esqr., President of Congress, in favour of Thomas Harvey, to take the same order with this as was taken with the Bills drawn by General Lincoln, be referred to the Superintendant of Finance.3
[Note 3: 3 These orders were entered only in the journal kept by the Secretary of Congress for the Superintendent of Finance; Morris Papers, Congressional Proceedings.
On this day, according to the indorsement, was read a letter of March 9, from the Superintendent of Finance. It is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 137, I, folio 355.
On this day, according to Committee Book No. 186, certain extracts from the London Courant, respecting Mr. Laurens's situation in the Tower, were referred to Mr. [Daniel] Carroll, Mr. [Ezekiel] Cornell, Mr. [Edmund] Randolph, Mr. [Nicholas] Eveleigh and Mr. [Abraham] Clark. These extracts, copied from the Courant of October 20 and November 1, 1781, are in No. 19, III, folios 431 and 435.]
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