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A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774-1875
Journals of the Continental Congress --TUESDAY, APRIL 29, 1783
The papers referred to in the address of the 26th and which are to accompany it, are as follows:
Paper, No. I
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2, 415, 956[Note 1: 1 This estimate was also entered in the Book of Estimates, No. 12. Another estimate of the public debt in the writing of Thomas FitzSimons is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 26, folio 403. The interest, however, on the foreign debt is computed at 4 %, and gives the amount as $315,403.]
Paper, No. II
The letter of the 16 of December last to the governor of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, as entered on the Journal of that day.
Paper, No. III
An estimate of the produce of the impost on imported articles:
Before the war the exports from Great Britain to America were estimated at three and a half millions sterling, in which was included
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tea; but there were importations from Ireland and Scotland, as well as from Holland, not included in that estimate. It is now thought best, to estimate the imports of all goods from Europe, exclusive of tea, brandy and wine, at £3,500,000 sterling, at 4s. 6d. per dollar, is
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There are no precise data from which this computation could be made with any degree of certainty. The number of inhabitants has governed in part, and the imports of particular articles into the port of Philadelphia have been attended to.
The exactitude of the computation is of the less consequence, as the act of the 16 December, 1782, provides, that if the revenue shall at any time exceed the annual interest, the residue shall form a sinking fund for the discharge of the principal; and if it shall be found insufficient, the states will be called upon to enlarge their grants of revenue.
Paper No. IV
Extract of a letter from the hon. B. Franklin to the Superintendant of finance, dated 23 December, 1782, and a letter of 15 March, 1783, to the same, from the hon. the Minister Plenipotentiary of France, as follow:
Passy, December 23, 1782.
Friday last order was given to furnish me with 600,000 livres immediately, and I was answered by M. de Vergennes, that the rest of the 6,000,000 should be paid in quarterly in the course of 1783.
I pressed hard for the whole sum demanded, but was told it was impossible.
Our people certainly ought to do more for themselves. It is absurd the pretending to be lovers of liberty while they grudge paying for the defence of it. It is said here, that an impost of five per cent. on all goods imported, though a most reasonable proposition, had
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not been agreed to by all the states, and was therefore frustrated; and that your newspapers acquaint the world with this, with the nonpayment of taxes by the people, and with the non-payment of interest to the creditors of the public.
The knowledge of these things has hurt our credit and the loan in Holland, and would prevent our getting any thing here but from government. The foundation for credit abroad should be laid at home; and certain funds should be prepared and established beforehand, for the regular payment at least of the interest.
I am &c.
(Signed) B. Franklin.1
[Note 1: 1 The letter from which these extracts are made is printed in the Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, (Wharton) VI, 159.]
Letter from the honbble the Minister of France to R. Morris, Esqr. Superintendant of the finances of the United States.
Philadelphia the 15 March, 1783.
Sir, I have the satisfaction to inform you that his Majesty procures for the United States a loan of six millions, to be employed in the war department during the course of the current year. While I announce to you this new mark of the king's friendship for the United States, I must go into some details which relate to your operations, and which will inform you of the motives which have induced his Majesty to make a new effort in favor of his allies.
During the last year, sir, I rendered an account to his Majesty's ministers of the order which appeared to me to be introduced into your department, of the re-establishment of public credit, and of the oeconomy which accompanied your operations. I added, that I considered the establishment of a general revenue for paying the interest and gradual redemption of the principal of the public debt, as extremely probable. The delays and difficulties of communication would not permit me to wait until that operation was completed by the different legislatures, before I declared the wants of the United States; and therefore I undertook to write to the Count do Vergennes, that the disposition of the people to fulfil the engagements taken and to be taken by Congress, seemed to me sufficiently favorable to determine his Majesty to lend for the year, new succour to the United States if the situation of his finances would permit. These assurances obtained the loan of six millions; but the event has proved that I was deceived in the hopes which I thought myself enabled to give my court; and the affairs of your finances, far from
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being bettered since the month of September, the period at which my letters on this subject were written, have on the contrary gone backward; so that I perceive no certainty of the reimbursement of the sums formerly lent, or of those which now are so. Thus, sir, my hasty assurances have induced his Majesty to make that advance, and in the moment when I am informed of it, I am under the disagreeable necessity of informing his Minister that the hopes I had given are vanished, and that my assurances were without foundation. I will say nothing of the personal embarrassment which I am reduced to by these circumstances; but I will take the liberty to observe, that the best remedy in the present conjuncture is, to take as soon as possible those measures which were not taken when I announced them.
The Count de Vergennes informs me, sir, that the six millions are lent to the United States in the same manner and under the same conditions with the sum which was lent last year. That is to say, that it shall be paid monthly, at the rate of five hundred thousand livres per month. But as it appears from what you did me the honor to write on a former occasion, that you had anticipated a part of this subsidy, I must pray you to consider, that the first months of this year will have been employed in payment of those anticipations, and that it will be proper so to combine your drafts, as that they shall not be presented but at the monthly periods in which the funds are to be provided.
I have had the honor to inform you, sir, that this money is lent to the United States to enable them to carry on the war. The wisdom of Congress will determine according to circumstances, on the manner of effecting that important object, and of compelling the enemy by joint efforts to conclude a solid and permanent peace.
It remains for me to inform you, sir, that the king was unable to make this last effort without extreme difficulty. I have had the honor to communicate those which oppose considerable loans. They are so great, that I am commanded to inform you, in the most positive terms, that it will be impossible for the king, in any case whatever, to obtain new advances for Congress for the next year. As to the resources which you may seek elsewhere than in France, the details contained in those letters which I had the honor to read to you, will not permit a hope of success until the United States shall have established a permanent public revenue; and the delay and repugnancy with which they proceed in that business being known in Europe, the disposition to lend money to Congress ceases.
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Lenders place their money elsewhere: those speculations which would have been directed towards the United States take a different turn, and it will be extremely difficult to bring them back.
I abstain from repeating here the other parts of the Count de Vergennes's despatches, which I had the honor to communicate, because the truths they contain are well known to you, and because they may all be reduced to this single position, that without a speedy establishment of solid general revenue, and an exact performance of the engagements which Congress have made, you must renounce the expectation of loans in Europe.
I am ordered also, sir, to inform Congress, that my court expect they will have taken final and satisfactory measures to secure payment of the interest of the debt contracted with his Majesty by the United States; but I content myself with communicating this circumstance to you, and before announcing it directly to Congress, I will wait till their present embarrassments shall be diminished.
From these details, sir, you will be able to judge of the impossibility of negotiating bills upon your plenipotentiaries beyond the funds which remain free from the six millions lent this year. It is very clear, that such bills will not be paid by us; and it is from perfect confidence in your regularity upon that subject, that I shall assure the Count do Vergennes, he may be certain no demand will be made on him beyond the sums already granted.
I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) Le Chvr. de la Luzerne.1
[Note 1: 1 A different translation of this letter is printed in the Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution (Wharton) VI, 301.]
Paper No. V
The contract between his most Christian majesty and the United States of America, entered into by the Count de Vergennes and Mr. Franklin 16 July, 1782, and ratified by Congress the 22 day of January, 1783, as entered on record in the Secretary's office.
Paper No. VI
The contract entered into by the honble. J. Adams in behalf of the United States with sundries for a loan of 5 million of florins.
Paper No. VII
The memorial from the officers of the army.
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To the United States in Congress assembled.
The address and petition of the officers of the army of the United States,
Humbly sheweth, that we, the officers of the army of the United States, in behalf of ourselves and our brethren the soldiers, beg leave, with all proper deference and respect, freely to state to Congress, the supreme power of the United States, the great distress under which we labor.
At this period of the war it is with peculiar pain we find ourselves constrained to address your august body, on matters of a pecuniary nature. We have struggled with our difficulties, year after year, under the hopes that each would be the last; but we have been disappointed. We find our embarrassments thicken so fast, and have become so complex, that many of us are unable to go further. In this exigence we apply to Congress for relief as our head and sovereign.
To prove that our hardships are exceedingly disproportionate to those of any other citizens of America, let a recurrence be had to the paymaster's accompts, for four years past. If to this it should be objected, that the respective states have made settlements, and given securities for the pay due, for part of that time, let the present value of those nominal obligations be ascertained by the monied men, and they will be found to be worth little indeed; and yet, trifling as they are, many have been under the sad necessity of parting with them, to prevent their families from actually starving.
We complain that shadows have been offered to us while the substance has been gleaned by others.
Our situation compels us to search for the cause of our extreme poverty. The citizens murmur at the greatness of their taxes, and are astonished that no part reaches the army. The numerous demands, which are between the first collectors and the soldiers, swallow up the whole.
Our distresses are now brought to a point. We have borne all that men can bear--our property is expended--our private resources are at an end, and our friends are wearied out and disgusted with our incessant applications. We, therefore, most seriously and earnestly beg, that a supply of money may be forwarded to the army as soon as possible. The uneasiness of the soldiers, for want of pay, is great and dangerous; any further experiments on their patience may have fatal effects.
The promised subsistence or ration of provisions consisted of certain articles specified in kind and quantity. This ration, without regard, that we can conceive, to the health of the troops, has been
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frequently altered, as necessity or conveniency suggested, generally losing by the change some part of its substance. On an average, not more than seven or eight-tenths have been issued; the retained parts were, for a short time, paid for; but the business became troublesome to those who were to execute it. For this, or some other reasons, all regard to the dues, as they respected the soldiers, has been discontinued (now and then a trifling gratuity excepted). As these dues respected the officers, they were compensated, during one year and part of another, by an extra ration; as to the retained rations, the account for several years remains unsettled; there is a large balance due upon it, and a considerable sum for that of forage.
The clothing was another part of the soldier's hire. The arrearages on that score, for the year 1777, were paid off in continental money, when the dollar was worth about four-pence; the arrearages for the following years are unliquidated, and we apprehend scarcely thought of but by the army. Whenever there has been a real want of means, any defect in system, or neglect in execution, in the departments of the army, we have invariably been the sufferers, by hunger and nakedness, and by languishing in an hospital.
We beg leave to urge an immediate adjustment of all dues; that as great a part as possible be paid, and the remainder put on such a footing as will restore cheerfulness to the army, revive confidence in the justice and generosity of its constituents, and contribute to the very desirable effect of re-establishing public credit.
We are grieved to find that our brethren, who retired from service on half-pay, under the resolution of Congress in 1780, are not only destitute of any effectual provision, but are become the objects of obloquy. Their condition has a very discouraging aspect on us who must sooner or later retire, and from every consideration of justice, gratitude and policy, demands attention and redress.
We regard the act of Congress respecting half-pay, as an honorable and just recompense for several years hard service, in which the health and fortunes of the officers have been worn down and exhausted. We see with chagrin the odious point of view in which the citizens of too many of the states endeavor to place the men entitled to it. We hope, for the honor of human nature, that there are none so hardened in the sin of ingratitude, as to deny the justice of the reward. We have reason to believe that the objection generally is against the mode only. To prevent therefore, any altercations and distinctions which may tend to injure that harmony which we ardently desire may reign throughout the community, we are willing to commute the half-pay pledged, for full pay for a certain number of years, or
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for a sum in gross, as shall be agreed to by the committee sent with this address. And in this we pray, that the disabled officers and soldiers, with the widows and orphans of those who have expended or may expend their lives in the service of their country, may be fully comprehended. We also beg, that some mode may be pointed out for the eventual payment of those soldiers who are the subjects of the resolution of Congress of the 15th May, 1778.
To the representation now made, the army have not a doubt that Congress will pay all that attention which the serious nature of it requires. It would be criminal in the officers to conceal the general dissatisfaction which prevails, and is gaining ground in the army, from the pressure of evils and injuries, which, in the course of seven long years, have made their condition in many instances wretched. They therefore entreat, that Congress, to convince the army and the world that the independence of America shall not be placed on the ruin of any particular class of her citizens, will point out a mode for immediate redress.
MOSES HAZEN, brigadier-general.
Cantonments, Hudson's River, December, 1782.1
[Note 1: 1 This address of the officers is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 42, VI, folio 61. The indorsement shows that it was referred to the Grand Committee on January 6, and Committee Book No. 186 states that a report was delivered January 22. See ante, January 25.]
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Paper No. VIII
A letter, of 12, and one of 18 March last, from the Commander in Chief, with the papers accompanying them, relative to the proceedings of the army in consequence of certain anonymous papers:
Headquarters, 12th March, 1783.
Sir,--It is with inexpressible concern I make the following report to your Excellency:--Two days ago anonymous papers were circulated in the army, requesting a general meeting of the officers on the next day. A copy of one of these papers is enclosed, No. 1.
About the same time another anonymous paper, purporting to be an address to the officers of the army, was handed about in a clandestine manner. A copy of this is marked No. 2.
To prevent any precipitate and dangerous resolutions from being taken at this perilous moment, while the passions were all inflamed, as soon as these things came to my knowledge, the next morning, I issued the enclosed order, No. 3. And in this situation the matter now rests.
As all opinion must be suspended until after the meeting on Saturday, I have nothing further to add, except a wish that the measures I have taken to dissipate a storm, which had gathered so suddenly and unexpectedly, may be acceptable to Congress; and to assure them that in every vicissitude of circumstances, still actuated with the greatest Zeal in their Service, I shall continue my utmost Exertions to promote the welfare of my Country under the most lively expectation, that Congress have the best Intentions of doing ample justice to the Army, as soon as Circumstances will possibly admit.
With the highest Respect and Esteem, etc.
(signed) G: Washington.
P.S. Since writing the foregoing, another anonymous paper has been put in circulation, a copy of which is enclosed, No. 4.1
[Note 1: 1 This letter is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 152, XI, folio 105. The indorsement states that it was read March 17, and referred to Mr. [John Taylor] Gilman, Mr. [Eliphalet] Dyer, Mr. [Abraham] Clark, Mr. [John] Rutledge and Mr, [John Francis] Mercer. Committee Book No. 186 shows that this committee was discharged on March 22, and the letter referred to the committee appointed on that day to consider Washington's letter of March 18.]
No. 1.
A meeting of the general and field officers is requested at the public building, on Tuesday next, at 11 o'clock. A commissioned officer from each company is expected, and a delegate from the
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medical staff. The object of this convention, is to consider the late letter from our representatives in Philadelphia, and what measures (if any) should be adopted, to obtain that redress of grievances which they seem to have solicited in vain.1
[Note 1: 1 A copy of this notification is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 152, XI, folio 109.]
No. 2.
To the Officers of the Army.
Gentlemen,--A fellow soldier, whose interest and affections bind him strongly to you, whose past sufferings have been as great, and whose future fortune may be as desperate as yours--would beg leave to address you.
Age has its claims, and rank is not without its pretensions to advise: but, though unsupported by both, he flatters himself, that the plain language of sincerity and experience will neither be unheard nor unregarded.
Like many of you, he loved private life, and left it with regret. He left it, determined to retire from the field, with the necessity that called him to it, and not till then--not till the enemies of his country, the slaves of power, and the hirelings of injustice, were compelled to abandon their schemes, and acknowledge America as terrible in arms as she had been humble in remonstrance. With this object in view, he has long shared in your toils and mingled in your dangers. lie has felt the cold hand of poverty without a murmur, and has seen the insolence of wealth without a sigh. But, too much under the direction of his wishes, and sometimes weak enough to mistake desire for opinion, he has till lately--very lately--believed in the justice of his country. lie hoped that, as the clouds of adversity scattered, and as the sunshine of peace and better fortune broke in upon us, the coldness and severity of government would relax, and that, more than justice, that gratitude would blaze forth upon those hands, which had upheld her, in the darkest stages of her passage, from impending servitude to acknowledged independence. But faith has its limits as well as temper, and there are points beyond which neither can be stretched, without sinking into cowardice or plunging into credulity.--This, my friends, I conceive to be your situation.--Hurried to the very verge of both, another step would ruin you forever.--To be tame and unprovoked when injuries press hard upon you, is more than weakness; but to look up for kinder usage, without one manly effort of your own, would
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fix your character, and shew the world how richly you deserve those chains you broke. To guard against this evil, let us take a review of the ground upon which we now stand, and from thence carry our thoughts forward for a moment, into the unexplored field of expedient.
After a pursuit of seven long years, the object for which we set out is at length brought within our reach. Yes, my friends, that suffering courage of yours was active once--it has conducted the United States of America through a doubtful and a bloody war. It has placed her in the chair of independency, and peace returns again to bless--whom?. A country willing to redress your wrongs, cherish your worth and reward your services, a country courting your return to private life, with tears of gratitude and smiles of admiration, longing to divide with you that independency which your gallantry has given, and those riches which your wounds have preserved? Is this the case? Or is it rather a country that tramples upon your rights, disdains your cries and insults your distresses? Have you not, more than once, suggested your wishes, and made known your wants to Congress?. Wants and wishes which gratitude and policy should have anticipated, rather than evaded. And have you not lately, in the meek language of entreating memorials, begged from their justice, what you would no longer expect from their favour? How have you been answered? Let the letter which you are called to consider to-morrow make reply.
If this, then, be your treatment, while the swords you wear are necessary for the defence of America, what have you to expect from peace, when your voice shall sink, and your strength dissipate by division? When those very swords, the instruments and companions of your glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no remaining mark of military distinction left but your wants, infirmities and scars?. Can you then consent to be the only sufferers by this revolution, and retiring from the field, grow old in poverty, wretchedness and contempt?. Can you consent to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity, which has hitherto been spent in honor? If you can--GO--and carry with you the jest of tories and scorn of whigs--the ridicule, and what is worse, the pity of the world. Go, starve, and be forgotten! But, if your spirit should revolt at this; if you have sense enough to discover, and spirit enough to oppose tyranny under whatever garb it may assume; whether it be the plain coat of republicanism, or the splendid robe of royalty; if you have yet learned to discriminate between a people and a cause, between men and principles--awake; attend to your situation and redress yourselves. If the present moment be lost,
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every future effort is in vain; and your threats then, will be as empty as your entrearies now.
I would advise you, therefore, to come to some final opinion upon what you can bear, and what you will suffer. If your determination be in any proportion to your wrongs, carry your appeal from the justice to the fears of government. Change the milk-and-water style of your last memorial; assume a bolder tone--decent, but lively, spirited and determined, and suspect the man who would advise to more moderation and longer forbearance. Let two or three men, who can feel as well as write, be appointed to draw up your last remonstrance; for, I would no longer give it the sueing, soft, unsuccessful epithet of memorial. Let it be represented in language that will neither dishonor you by its rudeness, nor betray you by its fears, what has been promised by Congress, and what has been performed, how long and how patiently you have suffered, how little you have asked, and how much of that little has been denied. Tell them that, though you were the first, and would wish to be the last to encounter danger: though despair itself can never drive you into dishonor, it may drive you from the field: that the wound often irritated, and never healed, may at length become incurable; and that the slightest mark of indignity from Congress now, must operate like the grave, and part you forever: that in any political event, the army has its alternative. If peace, that nothing shall separate them from your arms but death: if war, that courting the auspices, and inviting the direction of your illustrious leader, you will-retire to some unsettled country, smile in your turn, and "mock when them fear cometh on." But let it represent also, that should they comply with the request of your late memorial, it would make you more happy and them more respectable. That while war should continue, you would follow them standard into the field, and when it came to an end, you would withdraw into the shade of private life, and give the world another subject of wonder and applause; an army victorious over its enemies--victorious over itself.1
[Note 1: 1 A copy of this address is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 152, XI, folio 111.]
(No. 3.)
GENERAL ORDERS.
Head-Quarters, Newburgh, Tuesday, March, 11, 1783.
The Commander in Chief, having heard that a general meeting of the officers of the army was proposed to be held this day at the new
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building, in an anonymous paper which was circulated yesterday by some unknown person, conceives, although he is fully persuaded that the good sense of the officers would induce them to pay very little attention to such an irregular invitation, his duty, as well as the reputation and true interest of the army, requires his disapprobation of such disorderly proceedings. At the same time he requests the general and field-officers with one officer from each company, and a proper representation from the staff of the army, will assemble at 12 o'clock on Saturday next, at the new building, to hear the report of the committee of the army to Congress. After mature deliberation, they will devise what further measures ought to be adopted as most rational and best calculated to attain the just and important object in view. The senior officer in rank, present, will be pleased to preside, and report the result of the deliberations to the Commander in Chief.1
[Note 1: 1 A copy of this General Order is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 152, XI, folio 117.]
(No. 4.)
To the Officers of the Army.
Gentlemen, The author of a late address, anxious to deserve, though he should fail to engage your esteem; and determined, at every risque, to unfold your duty, and discharge his own, would beg leave to solicit the further indulgence of a few moments' attention. Aware of the coyness with which his last letter would be received, he feels himself neither disappointed nor displeased with the caution it has met. Ye well knew that it spoke a language, which, till now, had been heard only in whispers, and that it contained some sentiments which confidence itself would have breathed with distrust. But their byes have been short, and their observation imperfect indeed, who have yet to learn that claims may be false; that the best designs are sometimes obliged to assume the worst aspect; and that, however synonimous surprise and disaster may be in military phrase, in moral and political meaning, they convey ideas as different as they are distinct.
Suspicion, detestable as it is in private life, is the loveliest trait of political characters. It prompts you to enquiry, bars the door against design, and opens every avenue to truth. It was the first to oppose a tyrant here, and still stands centinel over the liberties of America. With this belief, it would illy become me to stifle the voice of this honest guardian; a guardian, who, authorised by circumstances
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digested into proof, has herself given birth to the address you have read, and now goes forth among you, with a request to all, that it may be treated fairly; that it may be considered before it be abused, and condemned before it be tortured; convinced that in a search after error, truth will appear, that apathy itself will grow warm in the pursuit, and though it will be the last to adopt her advice, it will be the first to act upon it.
The general orders of yesterday, which the weak may mistake for disapprobation, and the designing dare to represent as such, wears, in my opinion, a very different complexion, and carries with it a very opposite tendency. Till now the Commander in Chief has regarded the steps you have taken for redress, with good wishes alone. His ostensible silence has authorised your meetings, and his private opinion has sanctified your claims. Had he disliked the object in view, would not the same sense of duty which forbade you from meeting on the third day of the week, have forbidden you from meeting on the seventh? Is not the same subject held up for your discussion? and has it not passed the seal of office, and taken all the solemnity of an order?. This will give system to your proceedings, and stability to your resolves. It will ripen speculation into fact, and while it adds to the unanimity, it cannot possibly lessen the independency of your sentiments. It maybe necessary to add, upon this subject, that, from the injunction with which the general orders close, every man is at liberty to conclude that the report to be made to Headquarters is intended for Congress. Hence will arise another motive for that energy which has been recommended: for, can you give the lie to the pathetic descriptions of your representations, and the more alarming predictions of our friends? To such as make a want of signature an objection to opinion, I reply, that it matters very little who is the author of sentiments which grow out of your feelings, and apply to your wants; that in this instance, diffidence suggested what experience enjoins; and that while I continue to move on the high road of argument and advice, which is open to all, I shall continue to be the sole confidant of my own secret. But, should the time come, when it shall be necessary to depart from this general line, and hold up any individual among you as an object of the resentment or contempt of the rest, I thus publicly pledge my honor as a soldier, and veracity as a man, that I will then assume a visible existence, and give my name to the army, with as little reserve as I now give my opinions.1
[Note 1: 1 A copy of this second address is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 152, XI, folio 119.]
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Head-Quarters, Newburgh, 18th March, 1783.
Sir: The result of the proceedings of the grand convention of the officers, which I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency for the inspection of Congress, will, I flatter myself, be considered as the last glorious proof of patriotism which could have been given by men who aspired to the distinction of a patriot army; and will not only confirm their claim to the justice, but will encrease their title to the gratitude of their country.
Having seen the proceedings on the part of the army terminate with perfect unanimity, and in a manner entirely consonant to my wishes; being impressed with the liveliest sentiments of affection for those who have so long, so patiently, and so cheerfully suffered and fought under my immediate direction; having from motives of justice, duty and gratitude, spontaneously offered myself as an advocate for their rights; and having been requested to write to your Excellency, earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of Congress upon the subjects of the late address from the army to that honorable body; it now only remains for me to perform the task I have assumed, and to intercede in their behalf, as I now do, that the sovereign power will be pleased to verify the predictions I have pronounced of, and the confidence the army have reposed in the justice of their country.
And here I humbly conceive it is altogether unnecessary (while I am pleading the cause of an army which have done and suffered more than any other army ever did in the defence of the rights and liberties of human nature) to expatiate on their claims to the most ample compensation for their meritorious services, because they are perfectly known to the whole world, and because, (although the topics are inexhaustible) enough has already been said on the subject. To prove these assertions, to evince that my sentiments have ever been uniform, and to shew what my ideas of the rewards in question have always been, I appeal to the archives of Congress, and call on those sacred deposits to witness for me. And in order that my observations and arguments in favour of a future adequate provision for the officers of the army may be brought to remembrance again, and considered in a single point of view without giving Congress the trouble of having recourse to their files, I will beg leave to transmit herewith an extract from a representation made by me to a committee of Congress, so long ago as the 29th of January, 1778, and also the
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transcript of a letter to the President of Congress, dated near Passaic Falls, October 11, 1780.1
[Note 1: 1 Extract from a representation made by the Commander in Chief to a Committee of Congress at the army, 29th January, 1778.
Gentlemen, The numerous defects in our present military establishment, rendering many reformations and many new arrangements absolutely necessary, and Congress having been pleased to appoint you a committee, in concert with me, to make and recommend such as shall appear eligible, in pursuance of the various objects expressed in their resolution for that purpose,--I have in the following sheets briefly delivered my sentiments upon such of them as seemed to me most essential, so far as observation has suggested and leisure permitted. These are submitted to consideration, and I shall be happy if they are found conducive to remedying the evils and inconveniences we are now subject to, and putting the army upon a more respectable footing. Something must be done; important alterations must be made; necessity requires that our resources should be enlarged and our system improved; for without it, if the dissolution of the army should not be the consequence, at least, its operation must infallibly be feeble, languid and ineffectual.
As I consider a proper and satisfactory provision for officers, in a manner as the basis of every other regulation and arrangement necessary to be made; since without officers no army can exist, and unless some measures be devised to place those of ours in a more desirable situation, few of them would be able, if willing to continue in it;--I shall begin with a few reflections tending to prove the necessity of a half-pay and pensionary establishment.
A small knowledge of human nature will convince us that with far the greatest part of mankind, interest is the governing principle, and that almost every man is more or less under its influence. Motives of public virtue may for a time, or in particular instances, actuate men to the observance of a conduct purely disinterested, but they are not of themselves sufficient to produce a persevering conformity to the refined dictates and obligations of social duty; few men are capable of making a continual sacrifice of all views of private interest or advantage, to the common good: it is in vain to exclaim against the depravity of human nature on this account--the fact is so, the experience of every age and nation has proved it, and we must in a great measure change the constitution of man, before we can make it otherwise; no institution not built on the presumptive truths of these maxims, can succeed.
We find them exemplified in the American officers, as well as in all other men. At the commencement of the dispute in the first effusions of their zeal, and looking upon the service to be only temporary, they entered into it without paying any regard to pecuniary or selfish considerations; but finding its duration to be much longer than they at first suspected, and that instead of deriving any advantage from the hardships and dangers to which they were exposed, they, on the contrary, were losers by their patriotism, and fell far short even of a competency to supply their wants; they have gradually abated in their ardor; and with many an entire disinclination to the service, under its present circumstances, has taken place. To this, in an eminent degree, must be ascribed the frequent resignations daily happening, and the more frequent importunities for permission to resign, and from some officers of the greatest merit; to this also may be ascribed the apathy, inattention and neglect of duty, which pervade all ranks, and Which will necessarily continue and increase, while an officer, instead of gaining any thing is impoverished by his commission, and conceives he is conferring, not receiving a favor in holding it. There can be no sufficient tie upon men possessing such sentiments; nor can any method be adopted to oblige those to a punctual discharge of duty, who are indifferent about their continuance in the service, and are often seeking a pretext to disengage themselves from it. Punishment, in this case, will be unavailing; but when an officer's commission is made valuable to him, and he fears to lose it, you may then exact obedience from him.
It is not indeed consistent with reason or justice, to expect that one set of men should make a sacrifice of property, domestic ease and happiness, encounter the rigors of the field, the perils and vicissitudes of war, to obtain those blessings which every citizen will enjoy in common with them, without some adequate compensation. It must also be a comfortless reflection to any man, that after he may have contributed to securing the rights of his country, at the risk of his life and the ruin of his fortune, there would be no provision made to prevent himself and family from sinking into indigence and wretchedness. Besides adopting some methods to make the provision for officers equal to their present exigencies, a due regard should be paid to futurity. Nothing, in my opinion, would serve more powerfully to reanimate their languishing zeal, and interest them thoroughly in the service, than a half pay and pensionary establishment. This would not only dispel the apprehension of personal distress at the termination of the war, from having thrown themselves out of professions and employments they might not have it in their power to resume, but would in a great degree relieve the painful anticipation of leaving their widows and orphans a burthen on the charity of their country, should it be their lot to fall in its defence.
I am earnest in recommending this measure, because I know it is the general wish and expectation, and that many officers, whom, upon every principle we should wish to retain in the service, are only waiting to see whether something of the kind will, or will not take place, to be determined in their resolution, either of staying in or quitting it immediately; and I urge my sentiments with the greater freedom, because I cannot and shall not receive the smallest benefit from the establishment, and can have no other inducement for proposing it, than a full conviction of its utility and propriety.
I am sensible, the expence will be a capital objection to it, but to this I oppose the necessity. The officers are now discontented with their situation: if some generous expedient is not embraced to remove their discontent, so extensive a desertion from the service will ensue, and so much discouragement be cast upon those who remain, as must wound it in a very essential manner. Every thing that has this effect, has a tendency at least, to protract the war, and though dictated by a well intended frugality, will, I fear, in the end, prove erroneous oeconomy.
Extract of a letter from general Washington to Congress, dated Passaick Falls, 11th October, 1780.
That there are the most conclusive reasons for reducing the number of regiments, no person acquainted with the situation of our affairs, and the state of the army, will deny. A want of officers, independent of other considerations, were sufficient to compel us; but that the temper of the army, produced by its sufferings, requires great caution in any reforms that are attempted, is a position not less evident than the former. In services the best established, where the hands of government are strengthened by the strongest interests of the army to submission, the reducing of its regiments, and dismissing a great part of its officers is always a measure of difficulty and delicacy. In ours, where the officers are held by the feeblest ties, and are mouldering away by daily resignations, it is peculiarly so. The last reduction occasioned many to quit the service besides those who were reformed, and left durable seeds of discontent among those who remained. The general topic of declamation was, that it was as hard as dishonorable for men, who had made every sacrifice to the service to be turned out of it at the pleasure of those in power, without an adequate compensation. In the maturity to which their uneasinesses have now arisen, from a continuance in misery, they will be still more impatient under an attempt of a similar nature. How far these dispositions may be reasonable, I pretend not to decide, but in the extremity to which we are arrived, policy forbids us to add new irritations; too many of the officers wish to get rid of their commissions, but they are unwilling to be forced into it.
It is not the intention of these remarks to discourage a reform, but to shew the necessity of guarding against the ill effects by an ample provision, both for the officers who stay, and for those who are reduced. This should be the basis of the plan, and without it I apprehend the most mischievous consequences; this would obviate many scruples that will otherwise be found prejudicial in the extreme. I am convinced Congress are not a little straitened in the means of a present provision, so ample as to give satisfaction, but this proves the expediency of a future one, and brings me to that which I have so frequently recommended as the most oeonomical, the most politic and the most effectual that could be devised, a half-pay for life: supported by a prospect of a permanent dependence, the officers would be tied to the service, and would submit to many momentary privations, and to the inconveniences which the situation of public affairs makes unavoidable. This is exemplified in the Pennsylvania officers, who, being upon this establishment, are so much interested in the service, that in the course ofmonths there has been only one resignation in that line.
If the objection drawn from the principle of this measure, being incompatible with the genius of our government, is thought insurmountable, I would propose a substitute less eligible, in my opinion, but which may answer the purpose--It is, to make the present half-pay for seven years whole pay for the same period, to be advanced in two different payments; one half in a year after the conclusion of peace, the other half in two years subsequent to the first.
"No objection to this measure occurs to me, except it be thought too great an expence; but in my judgment, whatever can give consistency to our military establishment, will be ultimately favourable to oeconomy. It is not easy to be conceived, except by those who are witnesses to it, what au additional waste and consumption of every thing, and consequently what an increase of expence, results from the laxness of discipline in the army; and where the officers think they are doing the public a favour by holding their commissions, and the men are continually fluctuating, it is impossible to maintain discipline. Nothing can to me be more obvious than that a sound military establishment and the interests of oeconomy are the same: how much more the purposes of the war will be promoted by it in other respects, will not admit of an argument.
In reasoning upon the measure of a future provision, I have heard gentlemen object the want of it in some foreign armies, without adverting to the difference of circumstances. The military state holds the first rank in most of the countries of Europe, and is the road to honor and emolument. The establishment is permanent, and whatever be an officer's provision, it is for life, and he has a profession for life, he has future as well as present motives of military honor and preferment; he is attached to the service by the spirit of the government, by education, and in most cases by early habit; his present condition, if not splendid, is comfortable; pensions, distinctions and particular privileges, are commonly his rewards in retirement. In the case of the American officers, the military character has been suddenly taken up, and is to end with the war.
Congress will herewith receive a list of the officers in the New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Maryland lines, previous to its marching to the southward: also in Crane's and Lamb's artillery, Sheldoh's horse; and in Hazen's, Sherburn's, Spencer's and Livingston's regiments, who have actually had their resignations entered at head-quarters in the course of this year; and who, in general, urged their necessities when they applied on the subject, and insisted, notwithstanding every persuasion to induce their continuance, that their circumstances would not admit of their remaining in service longer. Besides those resignations, there are a great many of which I have no certain account, as the officers being permitted to go home on furlough in the course of the last winter, have never rejoined the army, and have only sent messages, or written to their regimental officers, that their own distresses and those of their families, would not permit their return. As to the resignations which have taken place in the Virginia line and the other troops at the southward, since they were acting in that quarter, I have no account of them, but I make no doubt that many have happened. All these serve to shew the necessity of some more competent establishment than the present one; and I hold it my duty to mention, from the accounts I daily receive, unless this is the case, that I have strong reasons to believe we shall not be able to retain, after the end of the campaign, as many officers, especially in some lines, as will be even sufficient for the common duties when in quarters. If matters fortunately should not proceed to the lengths my fears forebode, yet Congress will be sensible at the first view, of the injuries and great inconveniences which must attend such a continual change of officers and consequent promotions, which are and will be inevitable.
After having exhibited this view of the present state of the army, it is almost needless to add that, excepting in the rank of field officers, and a very few captains, we shall have new officers to provide, rather than old ones to disband, at the reduction of regiments; and how they are to be had I know not, no disposition having been discovered of late to enter the service. Congress have little to apprehend on account of the expence of supernumerary officers when this event takes place.]
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That in the critical and perilous moment when the last mentioned communication was made, there was the utmost danger a dissolution of the army would have taken place, unless measures similar to those recommended had been adopted, will not admit a doubt. That the adoption of the resolution, granting half-pay for life, has
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been attended with all the happy consequences I had foretold, so far as respected the good of the service, let the astonishing contrast between the state of the army at this instant, and at the former period, determine. And that the establishment of funds, and security of the payment of all the just demands of the army, will
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be the most certain means of preserving the national faith and future tranquillity of this extensive continent, is my decided opinion.
By the preceding remarks, it will readily be imagined, that instead of retracting and reprehending (from farther experience and reflection)
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the mode of compensation so strenuously urged in the enclosures, I am more and more confirmed in the sentiment, and if in the wrong, suffer me to please myself with the grateful delusion.
For if, besides the simple payment of their wages, a farther compensation is not due to the sufferings and sacrifices of the officers, then have I been mistaken indeed. If the whole army have not merited whatever a grateful people can bestow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice, and built opinion on the basis of error. If this country should not, in the event, perform every thing which has been requested in the late memorial to Congress, then will my belief become vain, and the hope that has been excited, void of foundation. And "if," (as has been suggested for the purpose of inflaming their passions) "the officers of the army are to be the only sufferers by this revolution; if retiring from the field they are to grow old in poverty, wretchedness and contempt; if they are to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity, which has hitherto been spent in honor," then shall I have learned what ingratitude is, then shall I have realized a tale which will embitter every moment of my future life.
But I am under no such apprehensions; a country rescued by their arms from impending ruin, will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude.
Should any intemperate or improper warmth have mingled itself amongst the foregoing observations, I must entreat your Excellency and Congress, it may be attributed to the effusion of an honest zeal in the best of causes, and that my peculiar situation may be my apology; and I hope I need not, on this momentous occasion, make any new protestations of personal disinterestedness, having ever renounced for myself the idea of pecuniary reward. The consciousness of having attempted faithfully to discharge my duty, and the approbation of my country, will be a sufficient recompense for my services.
I have the honor to be
With perfect respect
Yr. Excellency's
Most Obed. Serv?
(Signed) Go. WASHINGTON
His Excelly.
The Presidt. in Congress.1
[Note 1: 1 Washington's letter of March 18 is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 152, XI, folios 151--136. The indorsement states that it was read on March 22, and referred to Mr. [Samuel] Osgood, Mr. [Theodorick] Bland, Mr. [Alexander] Hamilton, Mr. [Oliver] Wolcott and Mr. [Richard] Peters. Committee Book No. 186 states that his letter of March 12 and the Proceedings of March 15 were referred to the same committee and that the committee reported April 1.
The following undated report, in the writing of Alexander Hamilton, is in No. 19, VI, folio 437:
"The Committee to whom were referred the letters from the Commander in Chief submit the following resolutions:
Resolved, That Congress consider the conduct of the Commander in Chief on the occasion of some late attempts to create disturbances in the army as a new proof of his prudence and zealous attachment to the welfare of the community.
That he be informed, Congress also entertain a high sense of the patriotic sentiments expressed by the officers in their proceedings of thewhich evince their unshaken perseverance in those principles that have distinguished them in every period of the war, and have so justly intitled the troops of the United States to the esteem and gratitude of their country and to the character of a citizen patriot army.
The Committee ask leave to report further."
A copy of the extract from Washington's representation to a committee of Congress, January 29, 1778, is in No. 152, XI, folios 159--166; and a copy of the extract from his letter to Congress, October 11, 1780, is on folios 167--174. The originals of both are in the Washington Papers.]
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(No. 5.)
Cantonment, 15 March, 1783.
The officers of the army being convened agreeably to a general order of the 11th instant, the Hon. Major-General Gates, president, his Excellency the Commander in Chief was pleased to address the meeting as follows:
Gentlemen,--by an anonymous summons, an attempt has been made to convene you together. How inconsistent with the rules of propriety, how unmilitary and how subversive of all order and discipline, let the good sense of the army decide.
In the moment of this summons, another anonymous production was sent into circulation, addressed more to the feelings and passions than to the reason and judgment of the army. The author of the piece is entitled to much credit for, the goodness of his pen; and I could wish he had as much credit for the rectitude of his heart; for, as men see through different optics, and are induced by the reflecting faculties of the mind, to use different means to attain the same end, the author of the address should have had more charity than to mark for suspicion the man who should recommend moderation and longer forbearance, or, in other words, who should not think as he thinks, and act as he advises. But he had another plan in view, in which candor and liberality of sentiment, regard to justice and love of country, have no part; and he was right to insinuate the darkest suspicion
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to effect the blackest design. That the address is drawn with great art, and is designed to answer the most insidious purposes; that it is calculated to impress the mind with an idea of premeditated injustice in the sovereign power of the United States, and rouse all those resentments which must unavoidably flow from such a belief; that the secret mover of this scheme, whoever he may be, intended to take advantage of the passions, while they were warmed by the recollection of past distresses, without giving time for cool deliberative thinking, and that composure of mind which is so necessary to give dignity and stability to measures, is rendered too obvious, by the mode of conducting the business, to need other proof than a reference to the proceeding.
Thus much, gentlemen, I have thought it incumbent on me to observe to you, to shew upon what principles I opposed the irregular and hasty meeting which was proposed to have been held on Tuesday last, and not because I wanted a disposition to give you every opportunity, consistent with your own honor, and the dignity of the army, to make known your grievances. If my conduct heretofore has not evinced to you that I have been a faithful friend to the army, my declaration of it at this time would be equally unavailing and improper. But as I was among the first who embarked in the cause of our common country; as I have never left your side one moment, but when called from you on public duty; as I have been the constant companion and witness of your distresses, and not among the last to feel and acknowledge your merits; as I have ever considered my own military reputation as inseparably connected with that of the army; as my heart has ever expanded with joy, when I have heard its praises, and my indignation has arisen when the mouth of detraction has been opened against it, it can scarcely be supposed, at this late stage of the war, that I am indifferent to its interests. But how are they to be promoted? The way is plain, says the anonymous addresser. "If war continues, remove into the unsettled country; there establish yourselves and leave an ungrateful country to defend itself."--But who are they to defend? Our wives, our children, our farms and other property which we leave behind us? or, in this state of hostile separation, are we to take the two first (the latter cannot be removed) to perish in a wilderness with hunger, cold and nakedness? "If peace takes place, never sheath your swords," says he "until you have obtained full and ample justice." This dreadful alternative of either deserting our country in the extremest hour of her distress, or turning our arms against it, which is the apparent object, unless Congress can
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be compelled into instant compliance, has something so shocking in it, that humanity revolts at the idea. My God! what can this writer have in view, by recommending such measures?. Can he be a friend to the army? Can he be a friend to this country? Rather is he not an insidious foe? Some designing emissary, perhaps, from New York, plotting the ruin of both, by sowing the seeds of discord and separation between the civil and military powers of the continent? and what a compliment does he pay to our understandings, when he recommends measures, in either alternative impracticable in their nature? But, here, gentlemen, I will drop the curtain, because it would be as imprudent in me to assign my reasons for this opinion, as it would be insulting to your conception to suppose you stood in need of them. A moment's reflection will convince every dispassionate mind of the physical impossibility of carrying either proposal into execution. There might, gentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking notice, in this address to you, of an anonymous production; but the manner in which that performance has been introduced to the army, the effect it was intended to have, together with some other circumstances, will amply justify my observations on the tendency of that writing.
With respect to the advice given by the author, to suspect the man who shall recommend moderate measures and longer forbearance, I spurn it, as every man who regards that liberty and reveres that justice for which we contend, undoubtedly must; for, if men are to be precluded from offering their sentiments on a matter which may involve the most serious and alarming consequences that can invite the consideration of mankind, reason is of no use to us. The freedom of speech may be taken away, and, dumb and silent, we may be led, like sheep, to the slaughter. I cannot, in justice to my own belief, and what I have great reason to conceive is the intention of Congress, conclude this address, without giving it as my decided opinion, that that honorable body entertain exalted sentiments of the services of the army, and from a full conviction of its merits and sufferings, will do it compleat justice: that their endeavours to discover and establish funds for this purpose have been unwearied, and will not cease till they have succeeded, I have not a doubt.
But, like all other large bodies, where there is a variety of different interests to reconcile, their determinations are slow. Why then should we distrust them, and, in consequence of that distrust, adopt measures which may cast a shade over that glory which has been so
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justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation of an army which is celebrated through all Europe for its fortitude and patriotism? And for what is this done? To bring the object we seek nearer? No, most certainly, in my opinion it will cast it at a greater distance. For myself, and I take no merit in giving the assurance, being induced to it from principles of gratitude, veracity and justice, a grateful sense of the confidence you have ever placed in me, a recollection of the cheerful assistance and prompt obedience I have experienced from you, under every vicissitude of fortune, and the sincere affection I feel for an army I have so long had the honor to command, will oblige me to declare, in this public and solemn manner, that in the attainment of compleat justice for all your toils and dangers, and in the gratification of every wish, so far as may be done consistently with the great duty I owe my country, and those powers we are bound to respect, you may freely command my services to the utmost extent of my abilities.
While I give you these assurances, and pledge myself in the most unequivocal manner, to exert whatever ability I am possessed of in your favour, let me entreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to take any measures, which, viewed in the calm light of reason, will lessen the dignity, and sully the glory you have hitherto maintained. Let me request you to rely on the plighted faith of your country, and place a full confidence in the purity of the intentions of Congress; that, previous to your dissolution as an army, they will cause all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, as directed in their resolutions which were published to you two days ago; and that they will adopt the most effectual measures in their power to render ample justice to you for your faithful and meritorious services. And let me conjure you, in the name of our common country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and national character of America, to express your utmost horror and detestation of the man, who wishes, under any specious pretences, to overturn the liberties of our country; and who wickedly attempts to open the flood-gates of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in blood.
By thus determining, and thus acting, you will pursue the plain and direct road to the attainment of your wishes; you will defeat the insidious designs of our enemies, who are compelled to resort from open force to secret artifice. You will give one more distinguished proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings: and you will, by
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the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to mankind--"had this day been wanting, the world had never seen the last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining."
His Excellency having withdrawn, on motion by General Knox, seconded by General Putnam,
Resolved, That the unanimous thanks of the officers of the army be presented to his Excellency the Commander in Chief, for his excellent address, and the communication he has been pleased to make to them; and that he be assured that the officers reciprocate his affectionate expressions, with the greatest sincerity of which the human heart is capable.
The address from the army to Congress, the report of the committee from the army, and the resolutions of Congress of the 25th January, being read,
On motion by General Putnam, seconded by General Hand,
Voted, That a committee be appointed immediately to draw up some resolutions expressive of the business before us, and to report in half an hour; that this committee consist of one general officer, one field officer and one captain; and that General Knox, Colonel Brooks and Captain Howard, compose the said committee.
The report of the committee being brought in, and fully considered,
Resolved unanimously, That, at the commencement of the present war, the officers of the American army engaged in the service of their country from the purest love and attachment to the rights and liberties of human nature, which motives still exist in the highest degree; and that no circumstances of distress or danger shall induce a conduct that may tend to sully the reputation and glory which they have acquired, at the price of their blood and eight years' faithful services.
Resolved unanimously, That the army continue to have an unshaken confidence in the justice of Congress and their country, and are fully convinced that the representatives of America will not disband or disperse the army until their accounts are liquidated, the balances accurately ascertained, and adequate funds established for payment, and, in this arrangement, the officers expect that the half-pay, or a commutation of it, should be efficaciously comprehended.
Resolved unanimously, That his Excellency the Commander in Chief be requested to write to his Excellency the President of Congress, earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of that honorable body, upon the subjects of our late address, which was forwarded by a committee of the army, some of whom are waiting upon Congress for
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the result. In the alternative of peace or war, this event would be highly satisfactory, and would produce immediate tranquillity in the minds of the army, and prevent any further machinations of designing men, to sow discord between the civil and military powers of the United States.
On motion, Resolved unanimously, That the officers of the American army view with abhorrence, and reject with disdain, the infamous propositions contained in a late anonymous address to the officers of the army; and resent, with indignation, the secret attempts of some unknown persons to collect the officers together, in a manner totally subversive of all discipline and good order.
Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of the officers of the army be given to the committee who presented to Congress the late address of the army, for the wisdom and prudence with which they have conducted that business; and that a copy of the proceedings of this day be transmitted by the president to Major General McDougall; and that he be requested to continue his solicitations at Congress, until the objects of his mission are accomplished.
The meeting was then dissolved.
Horatio Gates, Major General, President.1
[Note 1: 1 A copy of the proceedings at the meeting of the officers, March 15, is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 152, XI, folios 137--154.]
The Committee [Mr. John Lewis Gervais, Mr. Oliver Wolcott and Mr. Richard Peters] to whom was referred William Buchanan's late Commissary General of purchases letter of the 15 Feby., 1783, Report,
That in the opinion of your Committee it should be resolved,
That the accounts of William Buchanan late Commissary General of purchases be settled in the same manner as those of Mr. Wadsworth his successor, agreeable to the resolutions of the 9th April, 1778.2
[Note 2: 2 This report, in the writing of John Lewis Gervais, is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 19, I, folio 445. The indorsement states that it was read on this day, and on the 19th of September, 1786, filed.]
Several Members representing to the House that when the question was put yesterday on the report of the Committee, they did not understand that it included the introduction as well as what was expressed in the form of a resolution,
Resolved, That the said introduction be expunged from the Journals.
[Viz, that his continuance in office was highly injurious to his private affairs and contrary to his private inclinations.]3
[Note 3: 3 This report, in the writing of Samuel Osgood, except the part in brackets, which is in the writing of Theodorick Bland, is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 19, IV, folio 395.]
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[Report of the Committee on General Hazen's letter.]
That Brigadier General Hazen be entitled to the pay and emoluments of his rank from the first day of January last.
That the corps formerly under his command be considered as then forming a regiment on the establishment arranged on the establishment of the Regiments of the several lines, and that commissions issue accordingly.1
[Note 1: 1 This report, in the writing of Alexander Hamilton, is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 19, III, folio 103. According to the indorsement, and the record in Committee Books No. 186 and No. 191, it was a report of Mr. [Thomas] Mifflin, Mr. [Alexander] Hamilton and Mr. [Theodorick] Bland, who were appointed April 17, "to enquire into the state of Hazen's regiment, and the propriety of promotion of officers in that corps." The report was delivered April 29, 1783, read and entered; "postponed April 30, 1783; decided 16 April, 1784."]
The Committee [Mr. Hugh Williamson, Mr. Daniel Carroll and Mr. Samuel Osgood] to whom were referred sundry papers and reports on the subject of the salaries of foreign ministers observe that in the present reduced state of public finances the utmost saving and economy is become necessary in every Department. They observe also that the most of the ministers now abroad have asked and obtained leave to return and that the happy arrival of peace must open an intercourse with the different commercial nations in Europe which must require a considerable addition to the present number of Ministers Residents or Consuls, and observing that the amount of salary and other expences of gentlemen employed in foreign Courts is in a great measure determined by their respective ranks on which scale great savings may be made, submit the following Report:
That a Committee be appointed to consider what Rank shall be given to the persons who may be employed by the U. S. at the several foreign Courts with whom they may have any political or Commercial Intercourse.2
[Note 2: 2 This report, in the writing of Hugh Williamson, is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 25, II, folio 201. The indorsement states that it was delivered April 28, and read April 29.
On this, or an approximate date, was read a letter of April 23, from General Washington enclosing a memorial to Congress from Claude Amable de Rocplant, Baron de L'Estrade. Washington's letter is in No. 152, XI, folio 233,and the memorial is in No. 41, V, folio 294.]
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