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A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774-1875
Journals of the Continental Congress --[THURSDAY, OCTOBER 9, 1783]
The Committee [Mr. Thomas FitzSimons, Mr. James Duane and Mr. Arthur Lee to whom was referred the Report of a Committee on the letters of the Ministers in Europe for the purpose of preparing an address to the States, submit the following:
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The situation and prospect of public affairs, render it highly proper to give information to the states, and to call forth their attention to the General Interest; from the different articles of intelligence which have come to Congress they are led to believe that many Sovereign powers (particularly since the late peace) have turned their eyes to the Commerce and affairs of these United States. The establishment of our Independance has formed a new and important era in the political system, and it is but reasonable to suppose that our circumstances and our policy will henceforth become a serious object their attention.
According to the different views of the different powers, the conduct which they maintain towards us may be varied, their respective interests are in some things different and where that is not the case a difference in opinion as to those interests will necessarily influence their determinations.
Altho' it might in general be considered as most wise for them to aid our progress in the acquisition of wealth, seeing that by such means their own Commerce with us would become more lucrative, extensive and secure, yet it is not uncommon for those who manage the affairs of nations, to pursue a course inconsistent with the prosperity of the people subjected to their authority; political interests sometimes really differ from those of Commerce, and in many cases, they appear to differ, where they are the same. If, therefore, our national prosperity can be placed on no other basis than the varying conduct which a conception of their own advantage shall dictate to others, we cannot form a national hope that it will be of long continuance. Even if we could be so weak as to foster such unfounded expectations, the period of their existence has already arrived; some of those powers with whom we must necessarily maintain a Political and commercial intercourse, appear to be jealous of our power and desirous of cramping our growth. The example we have set in the late glorious struggle for freedom is odious to some; the asylum we have opened for those who are oppressed is apprehended by others; the existence of a great naval power in the Western Hemisphere is particularly disagreeable to those who contend for exclusive empire on the seas. And tho' it is not yet possible to ascertain the system which may be adopted by each, and still less whether one general plan will be pursued by all, yet the late conduct of Great Britain will demand a very serious attention. It may well be presumed that her regulations with respect to the Commerce between these states and her Islands, have not been hazarded without reflection. It is
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not improbable that it may be grounded in the expectation that similar steps will be taken by other powers who have considerable possessions in that quarter of the globe. She may perhaps conceive that the present is a favorable moment to destroy the foundation of our naval greatness; that we have no longer an union of temper and sentiment to resist the efforts which are levelled at our destruction; that the sensibility is lost which formerly communicated thro' all America, the impulse given to her remotest extremities, and it may perhaps be conceived that by divisions among ourselves, we shall be reduced to the contemptible situation of those little states in Europe who are daily sacrificed to the ambitious or capricious Policy of more powerful nations.
Whatever may be the motives which instigate her, this at least is certain, that if other powers shall impose similar restrictions, the effects will be severely felt in the navigation and Commerce of the United States. That such effects will not be equally sensible to every state is highly probable, for no one act can equally apply, where the circumstances are so various; but more or less all must be affected, and if only [one] were to suffer and if that one were the least important member of our union it would be not the less an interest and a duty of all to seek the most effectual modes of obtaining relief.
The legislatures will naturally consider how far the several nations of the earth may by their regulations advance or obstruct its growth and happiness; the means which may be employed to obtain and to secure useful privileges will also come into their contemplation. How far political considerations may lead foreign powers to listen to our applications must depend on a great variety of circumstances; the relative state of our force or imbecility, their own actual or probable need of our friendship, as well as the fear of our resentments, may each have an influence. The several states being sovereign and independant possess the power of acting as may to them seem best, Congress will not attempt to point out the path which should be pursued. If there be any one mode by which joint efforts and exertions can be made that mode will naturally suggest itself to the good sense of America; but if it be conceived that the states can attain to greater felicity by pursuing a different course, there can be no doubt but the advocates for disunion may find immediate and effectual support among those who are desirous of reducing the wealth, power and importance of America.
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Congress conceiving it their duty to communicate intelligence interesting to the states, annex to their address extracts from the letters lately transmitted by their Foreign ministers and to which they refer, not doubting but that the several legislatures as well as the people whom they represent will adopt such measures as shall appear most conducive to the general welfare.1
[Note 1: 1 This report, in the writing of Thomas FitzSimons, is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 24, folios 167--173. The indorsement shows that it was delivered October 9, 1783, entered and read; and on January 26, 1784, referred to Mr. [Arthur] Lee, Mr. [Elbridge] Gerry and Mr. [Jacob] Read. According to the record in Committee Book No. 186, other papers relating to commerce were referred to the same committee, which was renewed February 6, and enlarged by the addition of Mr. [Hugh] Williamson and Mr. [Jeremiah Townley] Chase. On April 14, Mr. [Thomas] Jefferson was added, in place of Lee, and a report was delivered April 22.]
The Committee consisting of Mr [Benjamin] Hawkins, Mr [David] Howell and Mr [Richard] Peters to whom were referred the memorial of Stephen Conte, beg leave to report,
That the Secretary be directed to acknowledge the receipt of the memorialist's application and inform him that Congress can not take partial measures for the relief of any of the public creditors, and therefore they must leave the memorialist to share in the effect of their endeavours to do equal justice to all to whom the United States are indebted.2
[Note 2: 2 This report, in the writing of Benjamin Hawkins, is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 19, I, folio 597. The indorsement says it was delivered this day, read and filed.
On this day, as the indorsement states, was read a letter of October 7 from General Washington, enclosing a copy of a letter of October 3, from Sir Guy Carleton, respecting the evacuation of Penobscot. It is in No. 152, XI, folio 507.
Also, a letter of October 7 from Major General Greene, respecting Colonel Mentges. It is in No. 155, II, folio 639. It was referred to Mr. [William] Ellery, Mr. [James] Madison and Mr. [James] Duane. According to the record in Committee Books No. 186 and No. 191, a report was delivered November 1, which, on January 6, 1784, was recommitted to Mr. [William] Ellery, Mr. [Arthur] Lee and Mr. [Richard Dobbs] Spaight. This committee delivered a report January 16, which was debated April 6, and acted upon, April 15.]
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